Opinion

The BJP MP lashed out at the Congress’ party’s decision to appoint Priyanka Gandhi as the general secretary for UP (East) by claiming that “she has bipolar disorder and beats up people.”

Dr. Nimeshika Jayachandran

Dear Mr Subramanian Swamy, I get it, you’re a political figure who needs to come up with "snappy" and “eye-grabbing” retorts against your competitors. However, when you do so at the expense of an entire community of people who are struggling with mental health issues, you are further propagating the stigma and discrimination of those who face such problems. So I have a request for you, and all others who hold similar positions of influence. If you aren’t going to aid the cause, then please stop adding to the existing stigma around mental health disorders. See, the problem is, though as a society we seem “liberated” and “woke,” there is still a lot of difficulty in understanding mental health. This may largely be due to the fact that people believe that mental health is related to a mindset and not an actual disorder which needs care and attention, just like any other medical issue. Regardless of the reason(s), it’s high time that people stop making statements about mental illness and those struggling with the same. Because really, it’s time we got rid of such outdated notions of mental health. You claimed that Priyanka Gandhi “has bipolar disorder and beats up people.” While this is hardly the first (dare we assume not the last?) outlandish thing that we have heard from you, I feel the need to break down why this is damaging to someone who may actually be living with such a condition. First of all, it seems that while people are becoming increasingly familiar with terms such as ‘depression’ and ‘anxiety,’ conditions such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder are still largely misunderstood. People who have been diagnosed with any of these issues may struggle on occasion with living a normal life, but to insinuate that they are downright incapable of living healthy lives is absolutely absurd! Contrary to your statement, a person living with bipolar disorder doesn’t “beat up people” at the flip of some switch in their brain. Bipolar disorder is also called ‘manic depression’ and is characterised by low and high phases. This causes people living with the same to have changes in levels of energy and activity levels, some mood changes and may even affect how their day to day life works. However, this absolutely does not mean that they are not functional or that the disorder can’t be managed. Like most of these conditions, bipolar disorder too is very much manageable with the right care. In fact, there are several people who have spoken out about living with such conditions and have done great work in their fields. Take for example the #MeToo movement that spread throughout the country last year. (You too had spoken out about the movement being a “good thing,” as I recall). Journalist and mental health activist Sandhya Menon was one such individual at the forefront of this movement. Sandhya, who has spoken openly about living with bipolar disorder, has been a backbone and inspiration for many people who felt encouraged to come forward and share their stories. If you take a moment to reflect on the Me Too wave of change, and the discussions it opened up, its impact on society has been unquestionably huge. And yes, someone who lives with bipolar disorder has been a significant part of that change. She isn’t the only one. We’ve all heard of several celebrities in recent times coming forward to talk about their mental health problems. Deepika Padukone struggled with depression, Ileana D’Cruz battled body dysmorphic disorder, J K Rowling channeled her depression into her writing, and so many others. So take a step back and please rethink your political retorts, because mental health issues, while challenging and difficult, are certainly manageable. And, if you don’t know what a particular term means, then I beg of you to please stop using such words to insinuate insults. It's hurtful and further discriminates an already stigmatised population in the community. We have entered 2019, and it’s time that we stopped treating mental health like the metaphorical elephant in the room. It’s here, it exists, and yes, help is available. Let me bring to your attention that the World Health Organisation (WHO) stated in 2018 that India happens to be the “most depressed country in the world." Instead of taking jibes at mental health and using it to further your political motivations, maybe try and do something to impact the community in a positive manner and use your public platform to spread awareness about it? I’d like to end on another note that irked me (and dare I say that I wasn’t the only one?). I get it, you are a political figure and are required to take strong stances against your opponents and in support of your beliefs. Fine. But enough is enough, can we please stop using medical diagnoses as insults? It makes for a poor choice of political rhetoric and does nothing to further your cause, except to showcase your ignorance. Views expressed are the author's own. Read this thread Don't know (& does not matter) if #PriyankaGandhi has/not a #mentalillness. Everyone should condemn this statement by Mr Subramanian Swamy below. Why? Read my reasons in thread. Subramanian Swamy: Priyanka Gandhi has bipolar disorder, she beats up people https://t.co/XjpNHORt9a— Soumitra Pathare (@netshrink) January 27, 2019 If you are aware of anyone facing mental health issues or feeling suicidal, please provide help. Tamil Nadu: State health department suicide helpline number - 104 Sneha Suicide Prevention Centre - 044-24640050 (listed as the sole suicide prevention helpline in TN) Telangana: Telangana government suicide prevention toll free no - 104 Roshni- 040-66202000, 66202001 SEVA- 09441778290, 040 - 27504682 (between 9 AM and 7 PM) Karnataka: Sahai : 24-hour helpline numbers: 080- 65000111, 080-65000222 Kerala: Maithri helpline - 0484-2540530 Chaithram helpline: 0484-2361161 Both are 24-hour helpline numbers. Andhra Pradesh: Life Suicide Prevention Helpline No.78930-78930 Roshni - Helpline 1: 9166202000 Helpline 2: 9127848584 All India: AASRA 022 2754 6669

Body 2:

Gender justice

Although in Islam there is nothing that stops a woman from solemnising a nikah, the practice has been mostly limited to the male domain for centuries.

Mariya Salim

All pictures courtesy: Maya and Shamaun

Amidst news of what women can and cannot do, and diktats on their right to religious freedom with regard to traditions and culture, a Muslim couple got their nikah solemnised by a woman Qazi earlier this month. This marks another victory in women reclaiming spaces that have just been taken up by men, irrespective of what religion has to say about it. Maya and Shamaun, a couple based in Mumbai, got their nikah solemnised by Qazi Hakima Khatoon in Kolkata on January 5. A communications consultant by profession, Maya tells me that when a few years ago she read an article stating that a woman can also be a Qazi and solemnise a nikah, something that she was not aware of like most others because it is not common practice, she and Shamaun decided that their Qazi will be a woman. Although in Islam there is nothing that stops a woman from solemnising a nikah, the practice is so uncommon that even locating a woman Qazi can be an impossible task. There have been earlier instances where a couple has asked a woman to carry out the nikah, but these instances are so rare and a woman Qazi so difficult to find that most nikahs, if not all, are conducted by men in Muslim families in India. Maya and her fiancé came across the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan’s (BMMA) website and saw that the movement had trained women Qazis in Quranic and constitutional rights. They got in touch with BMMA in 2017. When asked why they chose a woman to conduct the ceremony, the couple said ‘why not’. Maya and Shamaun’s nikah marks a new beginning for women’s rights – an ordinary Muslim woman activist, who has, after undertaking a rigorous course on rights of women in the Quran and the Constitution, been invited by a regular couple to solemnise their wedding. A practice which has been mostly limited to the male domain for centuries. “It feels nice to give another woman a platform like this, which ideally should be easily available to her anyway. It has been empowering for her and me, both,” Maya tells me. Qazi Hakima says she cannot explain in words what it has meant for her to be approached and to be able to successfully solemnise the nikah for the couple. She is also aware that as part of her duties as a Qazi she is responsible, under the training that she has taken, to ensure that there is proof of residence and age, and an affidavit from the groom stating that he is not previously married (the marriage is not polygamous). She has to make the couple go through the Nikahnama, fix the mehr (dower) amount and ensure that it is given at the time of the nikah, has to counsel the couple and ensure that the marriage is being carried out with their full consent. BMMA has trained 16 women Qazis in Maharashtra, MP, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Odisha. Maya, who is half-Bengali and half-British, has a degree from the School of Oriental and African Studies, London. Owing to her belonging to a liberal household, both her family as well as her in-laws were very happy with the decision of the couple. Until the wedding happened and people started reaching out to them, they did not see their decision to choose a woman to solemnise their wedding as ‘a big deal’. “The biggest challenge,” says Noorjehan Safia Niaz, co-founder of the BMMA, “is to get couples to come forward. We need more Mayas and Shamauns – the new age, modern, liberal Muslim men and women.” Muslim women have long been denied rights which the Quran has guaranteed to them, because of the patriarchal norms set by society at large to keep them confined and subjugated. This is changing today when the ordinary Muslim woman is questioning the status quo and is not ready to accept customs and traditions being forced on her in the name of religion. Whether it is re-entering Haji Ali and demanding that religious spaces be easily available to all women, or fighting to ban instant triple talaq, Muslim women are the frontline warriors fighting their own battles. Qazi Hakima and her like need to be supported so that more couples come forward to get their nikahs solemnised by them – where the mehr will not be a mere eyewash and never be asked to be forgiven, the couple will be made aware of their rights and responsibilities, underage marriages will not be solemnised, and the bride will get all her due rights as per the Quran. Mariya Salim is a woman’s rights activist and researcher, and a member of the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan. Views expressed are the author’s own.

Body 2:

Climate Change

Rapid erosion, turbulent seas and rising ocean temperatures brought on by climate change pose serious threats to the coral atolls of Lakshadweep.

Soumya Sarkar

All images by Soumya Sarkar

An island sank under the sea. Nobody noticed. Even today, maps of the Survey of India – the government agency tasked with mapping the country’s territory – show Parali I as a small island in the Bangaram atoll in Lakshadweep archipelago in the Arabian Sea, some 400 km off the west coast of mainland India. But the uninhabited coral island is not there any more. Its official territorial marker with India’s Lion Capital emblem was barely visible at low tide on a winter afternoon. A stark reminder of the clear and present danger that climate change poses to small islands worldwide, the sinking of Parali I was noticed in the early years of this decade by researcher R.M. Hidayathulla, then a doctoral student of Calicut University mapping biodiversity in the five small and uninhabited islands of the Bangaram atoll. “When I began cataloguing the flora and fauna of Bangaram atoll in 2011-12, I found that there were only four islands in the lagoon, despite Survey of India maps showing five. The fifth had gone under the sea due to erosion that far outpaced accretion on the western side of the island,” said Hidayathulla, a native of Angroth, the largest island in the archipelago. “I informed the authorities but the maps are yet to be updated.” Hidayathulla went to the media in 2017 about the disappearance of Parali I, but the development has been largely ignored. Existential threat Rapid coastal erosion due to a variety of factors — such as more turbulent seas, storm surges, changing ocean currents and diminished protection from coral reefs due to bleaching (precursor to mass death of corals) — poses an existential threat to low-lying archipelagos such as Lakshadweep, a group of 27 (now 26) tiny islands, out of which 10 are inhabited by some 65,000 people. The smallest Union Territory in India with just 32 sq. km of surface area located 200-440 km off the mainland, Lakshadweep is administered by the federal government with headquarters at Kavaratti Island. In coastal areas and islands, land erosion and accretion (land accumulation) go hand in hand. What the sea takes away from one part of an island, it replenishes on another. When the rate of erosion becomes higher than the rate of accretion, islands start growing smaller and could eventually disappear. It is a natural process. But it is being hastened by human-induced climate change. Many small coral islands in the Pacific Ocean, such as Tuvalu, Kiribati and Fiji, as well as Maldives in the Indian Ocean, are in danger of sinking under the sea. The plight of the island nations has received widespread international attention and global agencies are working overtime to address their issues before it is too late. A case in point is Tuvalu, with its nine islands and a population of around 11,000. There is even a move to give special passports to residents of these island nations, so that they can settle in other countries. See: Climate passport, anyone? In contrast, the more than 1,200 islands of India, most of which are barely a few metres above mean sea level and are home to millions, have remained neglected in terms of efforts being made to mitigate the impacts of climate change on them. Impacted by climate change Lakshadweep, the only coral island chain in India, has clearly started showing the impacts of climate change, says P.C. Hameed, Deputy Collector at Agatti Island. Hameed, 58, said that the waves during the southwest monsoon are much higher today than they were in his childhood. Both the number of storms and their intensity have increased. “This is impacting the livelihoods of the people as coconut trees fall in high winds and fish catches decline,” said Hameed, a native of Chelath Island. Lakshadweep’s economy is dependent on coconut and fish, with tourism playing an increasingly important role. The islanders are unanimous in their view that the climate in Lakshadweep has changed for the worse, particularly after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, when several of the islands were inundated. In the winter of 2017, when Cyclone Ockhi devastated Kerala, the southern Indian state closest to Lakshadweep, the islands also saw intense rainfall and high waves that resulted in damage worth millions. Abdul Sakoor, a member of the village council in Agatti Island, said that storms have worsened due to climate change. However, he added, early warning systems had saved the lives of fishermen during Cyclone Ockhi. Hameed said the government has bolstered the islands’ disaster preparedness systems by building storm shelters and related infrastructure. But in the tiny islands of Lakshadweep, where the distance from shore to shore is often less than 500 metres, disaster mitigation can only do so much. The 1.4 km long Agatti, for instance, has a total area of 4.98 sq. km, and the seashore on both sides of the island can be seen from most locations, and when that sea rises, there are few safe places to go. Degraded coral ecosystem Coral islands the world over have a unique defence system in the form of reefs. Coral reefs play an important role in island formation and providing a resource base for islanders. They also act as wave breakers during storm surges. Even during turbulent seas, the water inside a lagoon is usually calm, and that is mainly due to the encircling coral reef. On that front as well, the degraded condition of the coral ecosystem in Lakshadweep is not encouraging. Scientists say that water temperatures are increasing faster in the Arabian Sea than elsewhere in the world’s oceans. More worryingly, there are often spikes in the sea temperatures that lead to mass bleaching of corals. “The health of corals is an indicator of climate change,” said Idrees Babu, a scientist working for the Department of Science and Technology of the central government. “In the Lakshadweep Islands, the health of the coral ecosystem is in definite decline.” There was a major coral bleaching event in Lakshadweep in 1998 that was studied in detail by researchers. At that time, about 90% of the corals died. More recently in 2015, there was another bleaching that resulted in over 70% death. “Corals take two to three years to recover from a bleaching event,” said Babu. “If such events happen with increasing frequency, they do not have time to recover.” He also pointed to the fact that sea grass pastures around Lakshadweep are disappearing quickly. The presence of healthy sea grass pastures is essential for healthy corals and for the marine life that depends on them. “Some coral species are showing resilience to increased temperatures, but coral diversity is being affected,” Babu said. Climate action plan The government has yet to show any urgency to tackle the effects of climate change. It did come out with a climate action plan in 2012, but not much action has been taken, local residents say. Part of the reason why the environment department in Lakshadweep is not as active as it should be is an acute shortage of personnel. Officials say many positions are lying vacant despite requests to higher authorities. “We have taken steps to police and restrict poaching activities in the coral reefs,” says Abdul Jabbar, Range Forest Officer based in Kavaratti Island, the administrative headquarters of Lakshadweep. Jabbar, 46, was involved in the framing of the climate action plan. He says that if the plan is properly implemented, many of the issues such as coastal erosion and disaster preparedness can be tackled. “The total area of the lagoons is more than 4,200 sq. km,” Jabbar said. “Maintaining the health of such a huge ecosystem is a challenging task.” While environment department officials grapple with day-to-day issues related to waste management and the like, there is not much scope to take action that would result in long-term climate change mitigation. In the meanwhile, rampant removal of corals at various islands for construction continues, further damaging the stressed ecosystem. For anyone visiting the Lakshadweep Islands, the only effort seen to control coastal erosion is to place concrete tetrapods in places where the sea is eating away the shoreline. Tetrapods are a type of structure in coastal engineering used to prevent erosion caused by weather and shore drift, primarily to reinforce coastal structures such as seawalls and breakwaters. “This is the most unscientific way to control erosion,” says Hidayathulla. “It does not prevent or slow down erosion, but just shifts the site of erosion further down the shore.” If the current apathy towards adapting to climate change impacts continues amid increased human intervention in the coral reefs, there is every indication that the situation in the coral island chain will get much worse quite soon. This article was reported with support from Earth Journalism Network. Views expressed by the author are personal. The original article was published on India Climate Dialogue and can be found here.

Body 2:

Church

What started as a disagreement between a few higher-ups in the Church hierarchy has snowballed over the years into a major religious issue in Kerala.

Aaron Nedumparambill

In a small ancient church located in the Malabar Coast of India, an intense factional dispute has been raging for the past hundred years. What started as a disagreement between a few higher-ups in the church hierarchy has grown over the years into a major religious issue in Kerala. The story of Malankara Church gives us insight into an organisation that managed to preserve itself for a significant amount of time until it started growing after being set up by natives from various parts of the Middle East through trade routes. Today, the Malankara Church is an organisation that is married to the larger identity of the land of Malabar, adopting several region-specific cultural symbols and thus standing out from amongst other Churches. The turbulence faced by this small Church throughout its long history and the struggles it faced curiously mirrors the same that India faced in its long history. There is one common theme for the biggest disputes in Malankara Church since the 16th century and that, in my opinion, is the need for freedom in the spiritual and temporal activities. On July 3, 2017, the Supreme Court issued a verdict on the dispute and awarded the entire property and control of the Malankara Church to the Orthodox faction, including churches and parishes that today constitute the Jacobite Church. The Constitution of the Orthodox Church drafted and adopted in 1934 was made binding on the church. But first, it is important to introduce two important factions that are at the centre of the historic dispute. Patriarch faction: Bava Kakshi, presently known as the Jacobites and call their church Jacobite Syrian Christian Church, claim that the Patriarch of Antioch (head of Syriac Orthodox Church of the entire East) as the supreme head of the Church. Catholicose/Metropolitan faction: Metran Kashi, the Catholicose/Metropolitan faction, consider the Catholicose of the East residing in Kottayam, who is also the Metropolitan of the Malankara Orthodox Church, as the head of the Church. The beginning of Malankara Church The Malankara Church is believed to have been established by Saint Thomas (Thomasleeha) in the 1st century AD. By the late 14th century, the Church was in communion with the Nestorian (make it Nestorian Church) in Persia, who gave them episcopal support through Bishops sent via trading ships. However, the arrival of Portuguese in the 16th century resulted in the severance of this relationship, bringing the church under the jurisdiction of the Catholic Pope. However, in 1653, the St. Thomas Malankara Church broke free from the Roman Catholic dominance - one of the main events that highlighted this struggle is known as the Coonan Cross Oath. This was the first instance of an organised anti-colonial struggle by an Indian Community. Malankara Church then proceeded with an association with the Syriac Orthodox Church in Antioch, Turkey. First Split: Church Missionary Society In 1816, the Malankara Church started working together with the Church Missionary Society (CMS), a British mission society working with the Anglican Communion and Protestant Christians. This relationship severed after two decades primarily, inter alia, due to theological differences. This was the first in the series of splits Malankara Church suffered. Malankara Church rejected any proposals and talks for reconciliation with CMS. Following this, a small section of the Church left to join the Protestant Church, a community of Christians whose beliefs contradicted the Roman Catholic Church. Second split: Reformation Movement A section of the church, inspired by CMS, supported reformation and tried to assume control over the church. They wanted to adopt some changes that they felt were due, but they were opposed by another section. The struggle between these two sects lasted for several decades. It started soon after Orthodox Church parted ways with CMS in 1836 and lasted till the 1870s. In a bid to end the dispute, the traditional faction or anti-reformist faction, led by Mar Dionysius V, invited the Patriarch Antioch to Kerala in 1875. Patriarch helped end the dispute and also helped the Traditional Faction secure control of the church. The pro-reform faction would leave the Malankara Church following the 1889 Royal Court verdict and start an independent church from scratch. They are today known as the Marthoma Church. Mar Dionysius V had to concede significant powers to the Patriarch in order to oust the Reformist Faction from the control of the church. Malankara Church formally recognised the spiritual authority of the Patriarch over the church, although the temporal powers still resided with the Metropolitan. Patriarch vs Metropolitan In 1895, Abdul Masih II became the Patriarch of Antioch and the head of the Syriac Orthodox Church. In 1903, he was deposed and the Turkish Sultan withdrew the royal decree called Firman, which was issued in his favour. Patriarch Abdullah Sattuf II was elected as the successor Malankara Church: 1908 – 1934. In 1908, Mar Geevarghese Dionysius (Dionysius VI) and Mar Kurilose Paulose were ordained as Metropolitan Designate by Patriarch Abdullah Sattuf II. Upon coming to India in 1908, Patriarch tried to obtain registered documents from the Metropolitan that stated that the Patriarch held temporal authority over the church and its possessions. Some sections of the church, which were opponents of the Metropolitan, supported the Patriarch and the split ensued. Patriarch called for a meeting of Church representatives to make his case; however, his proposals were rejected by them. He then appointed Bishops, who signed the agreement to the fill vacant positions and also approached individual parishes directly to get their support - all of which fell through. In a bid to undermine the authority of the Malankara Metropolitan Mar Dionysius VI, the Patriarch issued a letter (dated May 1911), conveying the excommunication of the Metropolitan of Malankara. Mar Geevarghese Dionysius convened a meeting of Malankara Syrian Church, which declared his excommunication as invalid. Patriarch Abdul Mesih II, though deposed by Sultan, could still claim to be the head of the Church outside Ottoman Empire and was senior to the current reigning Patriarch. He wrote a letter to Mar Dionysius VI, expressing his opposition to the excommunication. Dionysius VI and his supporters invited the deposed Patriarch to Kerala. Upon the arrival of the Patriarch, an episcopal synod (a council of a church) was convened and it was decided to consecrate a separate Catholicate for Malankara Church. Mar Ivanios was proposed as the Catholicose of this Church. Patriarch Abdul Messih helped install the new independent Catholicate and consecrate the new Catholicose, which was the wish of the synod. He also made two proclamations, which granted full independence to Malankara Church, including the right to appoint its own Metropolitans and Catholicose. Mar Dionysius VI, the Metropolitan of the church, who led the effort to secure the independence of the Church, died in 1934. The same year, the constitution was drafted and formally adopted, upon which the office of Metropolitan of the Church and Catholicose was combined. There was a third split before 1934 in Malankara Church, which led to the formation of Malankara Syrian Catholic Church, although it is not directly part of the Jacobite-Orthodox Feud. Later Events In 1968, peace prevailed upon the church and the Jacobite and Orthodox factions came together when Patriarch Moran Mor Yakub III came to Kerala and ordained Mar Augen as the Catholicose of the East. The unity, however, suffered by 1974 when the Patriarch ordained three priests in Malankara Church, in violation of the 1934 Constitution of the Church, which deals with Parish Church and Parish Assembly. There has been nearly a century of litigation between the two sides and the Supreme Court Verdicts of 1958, 1995 and 2002decided the issue in favour of the Catholicose. In 2002, the Jacobite faction left the Malankara Church to form the Jacobite Syrian Church with its own constitution. Aaron Nedumparambill writes about interesting events of the past and present. Views expressed are the author’s own.

Body 2:

Healthcare

Unless lessons are learnt and the system gears up, these kinds of incidents are likely to recur and more lives will be unnecessarily lost.

Dr Sylvia Karpagam

On December 14 last year, 110 people were hospitalised after consuming prasadam at the Kichugutti Maramma temple in Sulwadi village of Chamarajanagar district in Karnataka. This was a case of deliberate poisoning, confirmed to be Monocrotophos, an organophosphate insecticide, classified as highly toxic and banned in many countries but still available in India. The diagnosis of poisoning is made on the basis of clinical suspicion, the characteristic clinical signs, smell of pesticides or solvents, and reduced acetylcholinesterase activity in the blood. Apart from stimulating secretions in the body, it can cause muscular weakness, twitching and neurological symptoms. The main drugs for treatment are atropine, pralidoxime (PAM) and benzodiapines. Seventeen of the 110 affected people died, although almost all received medical care. The district administration and general public demonstrated a remarkable response in terms of arranging transport, shifting patients to the secondary and tertiary facilities, identifying those exposed to the poison and making manpower available during the crisis. There should, however, be some introspection within the system on how these kinds of poisoning related emergencies could be prevented and managed better – one cannot depend on goodwill to respond to a crisis of this magnitude. Preparation for a disaster should be done much before a disaster actually takes place. Health system response The first point of treatment for a majority of those affected was the 100 bedded Holy Cross Hospital in Kollegal, which has 132 staff, an ICU facility and 7 ventilators. When the first few seriously ill patients began arriving, the hospital authorities realised the scale of the incident and an emergency situation was announced. The hospital initially received 64 patients of the 110 who had consumed the contaminated prasadam. The hospital had adequate quantities of PAM and atropine which are lifesaving and possibly contributed to the reduced fatality of an otherwise largely fatal poisoning. It is, however, ironic that this hospital is not empanelled under the Arogya Bhagya scheme because it does not meet some of the criteria. Facilities at Holy Cross Hospital, Kollegal The public health systems seem ill-equipped and unprepared to handle isolated emergencies, leave alone an outbreak, an epidemic, a natural or man-made disaster and so on. As far as the healthcare system is concerned, there is very little focus in the existing healthcare related schemes and programmes on how to deal with cases of chemical poisoning. Instead, most of the focus seems to be on the more procedure based models of curative care. The district administration and the state government will have to map the healthcare system so that there is seamless communication and referral with the first primary point of care being strengthened substantially. First-aid and disaster management training should be an essential component of training for all healthcare personnel. Functional ambulance facility should be upgraded. At the secondary and tertiary facility level, it is important that there are staff who have received specialised training in toxicology with close contact with poison information centres. The communication should be two way, with the secondary and tertiary level facilities sending updated information to the poison information centres so that a national level database can be maintained. This helps to plan interventions and particularly to screen those poisons that need to be banned at a national level. Since organophosphate poisoning has some long-term side effects, the affected patients should be followed up over a period of time to look for neurological changes, poor concentration, memory and post-traumatic stress disorder. Proper records of their health status have to be maintained. Currently there is no system of long-term follow-up and care for those affected by poisoning. Guidelines and protocols for public distribution of food In India, there are several situations where large quantities of food is prepared – schools, colleges, centralised kitchens, marriages, funerals, religious spaces and others. There should be strict guidelines for food procurement, storage, preparation, serving, etc. Licenses should be issued only to those agencies which meet the required criteria. Adequate resources should be provided for inspecting these facilities and the monitoring reports should be put up in a public domain. Cooking area at the Maramma temple, Sulwadi Any violators should be banned from distributing food to the public. The undue influence of the regulator should be strictly penalised so that an informal nexus between the regulator and the agency should not be formed, as is usually the case with regulation in India. Poisoning management The systems in place for handling chemical poisoning in India is very poor. Vital time is wasted by healthcare staff in identifying the poison based on history, signs and symptoms, and then consulting experts on management. Standard treatment guidelines and markers of common poisons should be displayed in health facilities and also included as part of the regular training. There is a need to urgently revise the medical curriculum to focus on rural health issues and those of public health importance in the Indian context. Knowledge about large-scale poisoning management may be required at the community level itself. Certain members of the community, such as local police, teachers, anganwadi workers, ASHA workers, ANMs and gram panchayat members, may be the first point of contact and should be able to identify, decontaminate and offer basic first-aid. This training for disaster or large-scale emergency preparedness should be made part of all trainings and curricula. The local PHC medical officer or general practitioner should have basic training in emergency care as well as emergency referral options. It is important that the government responds quickly to a large-scale poisoning. Constant updates of helplines, media releases, public education messages, emergency contact numbers and precautionary measures have to be made widely available. This is only possible if these systems are put in place before an emergency. In Karnataka, these systems occur in retrospect or after an emergency has occurred. Poison information centres It is important that poisoning by highly toxic chemicals is not seen as just a case management issue but in terms of prevention, and environment damage and legal enforcement. Although Monocrotophos is classified as a highly hazardous pesticide and recommended to be banned, India still doesn’t follow the international code of conduct on the distribution and use of pesticides. There should be at least one well-functioning poison information centre with the required skilled staff and resources to quickly diagnose poisoning as well as maintain long-term data. Those poisons that are most fatal and banned in other countries should be quickly phased out in India. While exposure to poisons are often brought to attention when it is large-scale and affects many people, chronic exposure to small quantities of poisons and chemicals is hardly on the radar. These are invariably treated as isolated cases, because of which larger patterns and trends are missed and unsuspecting communities in certain occupations or geographic areas face disastrous consequences for years, without any recourse to rehabilitation, appropriate treatment or compensation. There is almost no monitoring of the chemicals used in small-scale industries, pharma companies, home-based manufacturing, and these are often released into the domestic water supply systems. Larger industries often have a level of impunity and can get away in spite of violations, the Bhopal gas tragedy being a case in point. Research on poisons, antidotes and long-term consequences and side effects have to be done on an ongoing basis, and the poison information centres should function on updated field level information rather than theoretical knowledge from other countries. Information about poisons in the country has to be developed in an organic manner based on real experiences and outcomes rather than theoretical ones. For this, it is important that the link between peripheral facilities and the toxicology centres is ongoing and bi-directional. Availability of antidotes In the case of the Sulwadi poisoning, the Holy Cross Hospital had adequate supplies of atropine and PAM for the management of cases and is quite likely to have helped save the lives of several of the 110 who had been poisoned. Antidotes have to be listed among the essential drugs and made available quickly. Their lifesaving value cannot be underestimated, particularly relevant in areas that are remote and where emergency life support is at a distance. If a patient has received an antidote and then transported to a tertiary facility, the outcome is likely to be better and the overall burden on the health system reduced. Good first-aid procedures and the appropriate use of antidotes may not only be lifesaving but also economically sound. Although antidotes are sometimes expensive, their use may prevent death, prolonged hospitalisation, or permanent sequelae. The benefits of their use thus outweigh the costs. Primary care physicians should be trained in the use of antidotes and these should be made readily available. In India, many poisons are readily available but the system is not adequately equipped to deal with a large-scale poisoning as happened in Sulwadi. Unless lessons are learnt and the system gears up, these kinds of incidents are likely to recur and more lives will be unnecessarily lost. The writer is a public health doctor and researcher, who was part of a six-member fact-finding team from the People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) that visited Sulwadi. Views expressed are the author’s own.

Body 2:

Blog

An evolved, trusting, empathetic performance management system can make a big difference.

In the 90s and early 2000s, a few companies set global standards on how to manage performance. Many of them are facing challenging times now and their methods and models have come under question. Why did this happen? Millennials’ joining the workforce, brought with them a different set of expectations. They were looking for quicker feedback and faster gratification. Their institutional loyalties were different and they had more career options. The Performance Management System of the past was slow to respond to these. Workplaces too, suddenly became volatile, uncertain and complex. Human behaviour is more complex than earlier thought. This beckons the need for organisations to bring radical changes and rethink how to view performance. Copy by all means, but do what is right for you A handful of organisations have set process benchmarks, especially the Performance Management Process. Organisations raced to emulate them, most of the times without understanding the context. This approach needs to change. While it is always useful to copy an idea and not reinvent everything, we would do well to remember that a ‘successful formula’ that is right for one may not necessarily be right for somebody else. We need to rework the formula to align with our culture and context. Discard what is no longer working In the last two decades, appraisals of people focused on driving numbers and measuring productivity, drawing on industrial ideas like six sigma. Performance Management focused on differentiation, separating the achievers from the laggards. It was pejoratively even called the ‘Rank and Yank’ process. While the top performers were rewarded, poor performers feared for their careers. In today’s world, employees seek organisations that take a holistic view of their contribution and well-being. The younger generation does not believe in an annual performance review system, they seek continuous feedback, they seek respect for the uniqueness and all that they bring. They seek equitable rewards. They expect to build careers in places that have a purpose and a soul. We should therefore be ready to discard old ideas and usher in new possibilities. Organisations have started to respond. Annual reviews are being replaced with continuous multi-input feedback. Appraisals are ‘Feed forward’ as opposed to ‘Feedback’, keeping the spirit developmental. Understand that human behaviour is complex The older systems of performance measurement discounted intangibles. They would not differentiate stark ambition over consistent work ethic. While they did drive productivity, they also instilled fear and hatred for performance reviews. People viewed performance reviews as unjust, however rigorous they were. These systems failed to create lasting loyalty. Human behaviour is complex and industrial systems come short in measuring and managing their performance. Human performance is a factor of ability as well as intent. Inspiring people to consistently better their performance requires wisdom in leaders. Research has repeatedly shown the benefits of boosting the morale of workforce through constructive mechanisms, through inspired leadership that values a human being first and foremost. While demands on the employees remain as much and even more, managers need to demonstrate empathy and fairness. Organisations in the development sector have always adopted a much more humane approach to performance measurement. They have valued intangibles and favoured long term impact over short term output. They have emphasised the ‘human’ aspect of the ‘resource’ and prioritised intent over outcomes. Perhaps, organisations in the corporate sector are also getting there now. In times when the world needs to move towards greater mindfulness and connectedness, where cooperation and working towards a better world is the cherished goal, an evolved, trusting, empathetic performance management system can make a big difference. Sudheesh Venkatesh is Chief People Officer, Azim Premji Foundation

Body 2:

Sustainable menstruation

While repurposed cloth is panned by proponents of disposable sanitary napkins, sustainable menstruation campaigners call it an ideal menstrual hygiene product.

Archana Ravi

Pic courtesy: Eco Femme

When a short documentary on menstruation won an Oscar, many deliriously tweeted that this is going to start conversations on menstruation. Most didn’t know that these conversations have already begun and have evolved into sustainable menstruation initiatives in rural India, the very setting that forms the backdrop of the film Period. End of Sentence. These initiatives are not at all like The Pad Project featured in the documentary. That’s not just because they refuse to present disposable sanitary napkins (DSN) as an instant panacea that can cure everything from period poverty to menstruation taboo. Forget DSN, many of them don’t think that peddling sustainable menstrual hygiene products, even the ones they make, is important. Instead, they prefer that women make an informed choice after awareness sessions. Hold on. That is not a cryptic reference to a ‘class’ where women are patronisingly ‘taught’ about what they need to do. It is a two-way exchange, even as these sessions tell menstruators what disposable pads, repurposed old cloth, tampons, menstrual cups and reusable cloth pads can do to their body, environment and pockets. Here, the educators learn too. “We are not there to tell them how to manage menstruation. From their grandmothers’ times, women have been managing it on their own. There are communities that practise free bleeding. There is nothing wrong with that. Our approach is to talk to them about reproductive health, sexually transmitted diseases, child birth and various trauma associated with it. During these sessions, we also understand what the existing practices and beliefs associated with menstruation are,” says Smriti Kedia, Strategy and Execution, Uger Project, an initiative of the Rajasthan-based not-for-profit Jatan Sansthan. These organisations advocate for the reuse of old cotton cloth. That’s revolutionary, especially as proponents for DSN have been presenting cloth as the villain in all menstrual hygiene stories. DSN cheerleaders continue to quote a 2010 survey conducted by AC Nielsen for Plan India, which found that only 18% women have access to sanitary hygiene. The survey completely ignores cloth as a menstrual hygiene device. Following the release of the National Family Health Survey-4 results in 2018, newspaper headlines read “62% young women still use cloth”, as if that in itself is an unhygienic practice. In the documentary, Arunachalam Muruganantham, the inventor of the low-cost pad making machine, without citing any source, claims that less than 10% women use sanitary napkins. While these statistics stubbornly run repurposed cloth down, sustainable menstruation campaigners call it an ideal menstrual hygiene product. It is affordable, widely accepted and has zero health and environment costs. But in the end the decision is made by the women. Typically, most women slowly amble towards cloth pads, after a product analysis session in which they are trained to critically evaluate various choices available, says Kathy Walkling, co-founder of an Auroville-based not-for-profit Eco Femme. Eco Femme's ‘Pads for Sisters’ initiative (Pic courtesy: Eco Femme) Menstrual hygiene education is at the heart of all Eco Femme initiatives, including ‘Pads for Sisters’, which aims at offering reusable cloth napkins at subsidised rates to women who cannot afford it otherwise. The number of rural women who adopted cloth pads through the Pads for Sisters programme has seen a slow but steady increase. Last year they sold about 20,000 pads, while this year in the first quarter alone they have sold 28,000 pads under the programme. Many women, who would have developed rashes because of the use of disposable sanitary napkins and who would have faced difficulty during the disposal phase, become cloth pad users after the sessions, according to Walkling. These sessions may take several hours to several days, but the educators would never instruct women what to choose. “That would be an insult to their intelligence,” says Walkling. The campaigners were asked what if many women say there is no water to wash menstrual cloth. Each one we spoke to, including Uger which works in water-scarce Rajasthan, said that, barring women in a few desert areas, most didn’t cite water as their main challenge. “A bigger problem was the taboo surrounding menstruation. Women shied away from drying their washed menstrual cloth in the sun,” says M Banu Chitra founder of Thoo(i)mai, based in Tamil Nadu. Their name signifies a determination to fight the taboo, she says. While ‘Thooimai’ means purity in Tamil, ‘Thoomai’, a word many would rather whisper, means menstrual blood. Since the launch of Thoo(i)mai in 2015, Banu Chitra has travelled across Tamil Nadu taking with her information on menstrual hygiene as well as her personal testimony for cloth pads. She herself was a DSN user. In 2014, after emerging from an abortion and depression, she came across articles which said that sanitary napkins could cause grave health problems. She learned stitching her own cloth pads from a collective that promoted sustainable living. After experiencing pleasanter periods with lesser irritation and rashes, she sounds convinced about the ill-effects of DSN. Conversations, reinforced by such conviction, are also able to address larger issues like girl children dropping out of school. “It is not periods that prevent girls from an education. It is patriarchy. When a girl starts to menstruate, some communities see them as a potential bride. Child marriages are rampant. When they say menstrual blood is bad and just viewing it can make the husband blind, the root is in patriarchy. Do you think a sanitary product alone will ensure that a girl gets her education?” asks Smriti Kedia. Involving men in menstruation is one way to smash patriarchy. Browsing through Uger’s online photo gallery, one finds men huddled together stitching pads. Half of their trainers are men and it is compulsory for all male members of the project to learn how to make Uger pads. One-third of their training sessions are for the men in the villages they visit. Men stitching pads as part of Jatan Sansthan's Uger project (Pic courtesy: Jatan Sansthan) These initiatives literally walk extra miles to reach out to women. Magalir Mattum, based in Tamil Nadu, offers free cloth pads to women living in tiny scattered villages in Thiruvalloor district. Each village would be 5 km away from its nearest neighbour, sometimes 10 km away from a bus stop and 20 km away from a retail store. Its founder D Priya says, “I believe that cloth pads should be given free of cost, as reproductive health is a birth right. We have come across women resorting to unhygienic practices as they cannot afford to keep aside 10 ps for their menstrual needs. Once, a woman shared that she had been washing and reusing disposable sanitary napkins. That’s why we give them cloth pads for free. They can use it for at least 12 cycles. After this, we replace it.” These campaigns find it difficult to convince governments, as most are more inclined to promote DSN. But consistent dialogues have helped start many sustainable menstruation initiatives. The Department of North East Region with IIT Madras, Jatan Sansthan and Eco Femme have launched cloth pad production units in all eight North Eastern states. But there is a lot more that the government has to do if it is indeed serious about menstrual health, says D Priya. “To begin with, are there toilets every 10 km? Are there enough women’s health centres?” she asks. After learning about these wonderful initiatives, one cannot help think of Period. End of Sentence. as a shallow narrative. How snugly it fits the pitiful trope of sanitary napkins saving the day for poor women in rural India. Before another tweet shames a menstruator for using cloth, let’s steer this conversation in the right direction.

Body 2:

Opinion

The new zeal for sanitation at the fort is admirable if only it did not violate international as well as our own laws pertaining to heritage protection and preservation.

Vasanta Sobha Turaga

File photo of construction activity at Naya Qila

It is sad enough that heritage is not a priority in the new development planning paradigm but it is worse when the agencies designated to protect heritage themselves go on a rampage. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in Hyderabad now seems to have made it a habit of this with rapid construction on at the historic Golconda Fort, building toilets and facilities. Rules, regulations, scientific principles, heritage conventions and mandates, ASI breaks them all. The historic Golconda Fort, an outpost of the Kakatiyas, the citadel capital of the Golconda kingdom and origins of Hyderabad city, was built, strengthened and expanded by different Qutb Shahi rulers from the 15th to 17th centuries till the Mughal invasion in 1687. Each of the parts of the Golconda Fort complex and outside signify architectural, archaeological and historical values of high importance for Hyderabad, for the two Telugu states and the Deccan region. With regard to heritage status, while the Inner Fort/Balahissar area and the Outer Fortification walls are declared Protected Monuments of National Importance under the custodianship of the ASI, the area within the outer fort walls is occupied by the Cantonment to an extent, the remaining by colonies falling under GHMC jurisdiction. Within the fort, the State Archaeology’s (Telangana Heritage Department) role is limited to only two monuments, besides having the Qutb Shahi tomb complex, located outside the fort, under their hold, which is being restored by the Aga Khan Trust. The ASI has now started digging parts of the Inner Fort, near the Durbar hall up the hill, in the Nagina Bagh, on the north of the clapping portico and outside the entrance of the Balahissar gate, near the ticketing counter in order to construct visitor facilities such as toilets, locker rooms, etc. It is said that there are proposals to build more on locations up the citadel area, and work has started at these spots. While facilities are welcome, what is shocking is the way ASI has taken action, potentially nay definitely, damaging to the monument under its own control. And this is not the first time that ASI has done so in Golconda Fort. In the last three decades, the ASI has cleaned up the inner fort area many times, clearing vegetation, making new pathways and taking up repairs. No doubt the changes made the fort area more accessible and safer, but ASI, with its battery of trained experts, seems to have forgotten the rules of minimum intervention and material authenticity while clearing the area. The ASI erased archaeological mounds and debris, excavations were carried out in the Rani Mahal complex exposing floor levels which necessarily did not match the dates of the structures around. The chairs and cables for the Sound and Light show though made of replaceable material remain permanent in the line of vision. In the scale of errors, a real low was when it came to permitting a golf course in the Naya Qila area in the early 2000s. In spite of vociferous protests by heritage activists and orders by the High Court to restore the status quo ante, ASI did nothing and the golf course changed the contours of the fort permanently. No doubt the Hyderabad golf course has made beautiful greens out of hitherto unclean surroundings, but what is sad is the way the ASI has granted a green signal for the golf course, has turned a blind eye towards the developments, protests and even court orders and, still worse, is said to be a part of the management of the Hyderabad Golf Association (HGA), according to the HGA website. The Naya Qila is the area added by Abdullah Qutb Shah after the Mughal attack in 1656-57. The rocky outcrops, water bodies and vegetated area was walled as a defence strategy. The original landscape, sparsely built with two historic mosques, a baobab tree and Persian gardens set within the magnificent fort walls remained picturesque till it was replaced by the manicured landscape of the golf course. Conservation norms violated The new zeal for sanitation at Golconda Fort is admirable if only it did not violate international as well as laws of our own land pertaining to heritage protection and preservation – of international codes such as the Charter for the Protection and Management of the Archaeological Heritage, 1990, Burra Charter 2013, considered to be an expansion of the Venice Charter 1964, the ICOMOS Historic Gardens Florence Charter 1981, and laws of our own land, some of them made exclusively by and for this very organisation. It is basic to conservation philosophy to follow minimum intervention principles and avoid using irreplaceable materials and methods of construction while carrying out additions and alterations in cultural properties. Using retrievable, detachable or movable constructions is an acceptable norm in conservation world over, which is considered as sensitive intervention without damaging antique material and the spirit of heritage significance. But ASI seems to have forgotten such options. While digging up archaeological grounds is a serious let-down by the ASI in itself, the use of brick and cement technology for building of facilities in the 21st century is unacceptable, considering the range of innovative technologies and light, less harmful materials available in the market. What the ASI has taken up now cannot be called even outdated, because the laws of antiquities were drawn up as early as the 18th century by the British. The works being carried out by the ASI are going against the fundamentals of the Archaeological Acts, old and new. The ASI, under the Ministry of Culture, is the premier organisation for archaeological researches and protection of the cultural heritage of the nation. Maintenance of ancient monuments and archaeological sites and remains of national importance is the prime concern of the ASI. Besides, it regulates all archaeological activities in the country as per the provisions of the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act, 1958. The Protected Areas restrictions are unequivocal in terms of what can be and cannot be done at the monuments. At one go, the ASI seems to be making a mockery of its own code by John Marshall and its simple blue board displayed at every protected monument warning trespassers and vandals of grave action. The conservation profession is bound by a code of ethics and professional practice. The question begs to be asked if the officers of the ASl, qualified and authorised professionals, are exempt from codes. In the case of damages to Golconda Fort, will the ASI be prosecuted? Many attempts were made in the past to enlist Golconda Fort on the UNESCO World Heritage List but were unsuccessful for the very reasons of inadequate conservation and management. With such insensitive constructions by the ASI further damaging the monument, the hope for a World Heritage tag for Golconda Fort may very well be lost forever. Vasanta Sobha Turaga is a conservation architect and urban-regional planner. Views expressed are personal.

Body 2:

Telephone

The landline in 1876, along with the telegraph a few decades earlier, revolutionized communications, leading to the powerful computers tucked snugly in our pockets and purses today.

The global economy has changed dramatically over the past century and a half. When I lecture my Boston University business students on this topic, I use one of the world’s most transformative inventions to illustrate my point: the telephone. Before the telephone was invented, it was impossible to communicate by voice across any kind of distance. The landline in 1876, along with the telegraph a few decades earlier, revolutionized communications, leading leap by leap to the powerful computers tucked snugly in our pockets and purses today. And in the process, living standards exploded, with inflation-adjusted GDP surging from US$1,200 per person in 1870 to more than $10,000 today. What follows are a few facts I like to share with my students, as well as several others that you might not be aware of about how the phone has reshaped our lives – and continues to do so. ‘Watson – I want to see you!’ One of the reasons I use the telephone in my lectures is because inventor Alexander Graham Bell actually created his phone and made the first call while a professor at Boston University, where I teach economics. Alexander Graham Bell opened the first long-distance line from New York to Chicago in 1892. Gilbert H. Grosvenor Collection/Library of Congress., CC BY The first telephone call happened on March 10, 1876, a few days after the Scottish-born inventor received a patent for the device. After he accidentally spilled battery acid on himself, Bell called for his assistant with the famous phrase “Mr. Watson, come here – I want to see you!” But that’s not the end of the story. Controversy continues over who actually invented the phone first. While Bell won the series of court battles over the first patent, some historians still give credit to Elisha Gray or Antonio Meucci, both of whom had been working on similar devices. In fact, in 2002, the U.S. Congress acknowledged Meucci’s role in the invention of the telephone – though it didn’t give him sole credit. Number of connected telephones Phones started out as novelty items shown just to kings and queens. Today, they are something almost everyone carries with them, even the homeless. In 1914, at the start of World War I, there were 10 people for every working telephone in the U.S. By the end of World War II in 1945, there were five people for every working phone. The technology passed a key milestone in 1998, when there was one phone for every man, woman and child in the U.S. As of 2017, there were 455 million telephone numbers for the United States’ 325 million residents, or 1.4 per person. About three-quarters of those numbers were tied to mobile phones, a little over 10 percent were for old-fashioned landlines, and the rest were for internet-enabled phones. This Trimline phone came out in December 1986. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY People used to rent their phones It may sound odd today, but until the early 1980s many consumers had to rent their phones from AT&T. Until then, the company had a monopoly over most of the U.S. phone system. And in many states, AT&T would only rent phones to customers. In the early 1980s, the rental fee was $1.50 to about $5 per month depending on the type of phone. That changed in 1983, when the U.S. government ended AT&T’s monopoly. Consumers in all parts of the country suddenly had the option to buy their own phone. At the time, the price for the most basic black rotary dial phone was $19.95, or a bit over $50 in today’s dollars. The fanciest Trimline phone with push-buttons, instead of a rotary dial was sold for about $55, which is just under $150 today. Plummeting costs One reason phones have become so indispensable for communicating is that the cost keeps dropping to make calls. Making a coast-to-coast phone call a century ago was very expensive. Back in 1915, a three-minute daytime phone call from New York City to San Francisco cost $20.70. Adjusted for inflation, that means the rather abrupt call cost more than $500 in today’s money. Over the next half-century, prices fell drastically, although it was still rather pricey. In 1968, the same three-minute call cost $1.70 – or about $12 today. That’s why, when I was dating the woman who became my wife, we primarily spoke at night – when phone calls were much cheaper – to save a little money. Today, almost no one thinks about the price of a single cross-country call or tries to keep conversations short to save money. Phone call prices plummeted after the breakup of the U.S. telephone monopoly in the 1980s. And the invention of technologies like “voice over IP” – popularized by Skype – pushed prices down even further. Prices have gotten so low that the Federal Communications Commission stopped tracking the cost of long-distance calls in 2006. After decades of recording phone call costs it reported the average long-distance call in 2006 cost just 6 cents per minute. Since most people don’t pay by the minute anymore an extra minute of talking on the phone today is effectively free. There’s a dark side to cheap calls, however. Robocalls are now constantly spamming Americans. The same reduction in price makes it easy for con artists to ring millions of phone numbers looking for someone gullible enough to believe their pitches. Phone demographics It gets a bit more interesting when you look at what types of phones households still use. There has been a dramatic shift in the last few years from landlines to cellphones, with a surprising connection to our well-being. In 2018, a government survey found that almost 55 percent of households use cellphones exclusively, up from less than 10 percent in 2005. Another 36 percent have both a mobile phone and a working landline. Just over 5 percent of those surveyed said they relied entirely on a landline, compared with over a third of households in 2005. The remaining 3 percent said they didn’t have a phone. So who are those people who still only use landlines? Since it’s the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention that actually conducts this survey, we know a little more about those 5 percent. As you might expect, they are primarily elderly people – and they tend to own their homes. In contrast, households that have only mobile phones are more likely to be made up of young people who are renting. They’re also more likely to be poor and live in the Northeast. In terms of well-being, the CDC notes that the adults in wireless homes are more likely to be healthier and get plenty of exercise than those with only landlines. Conversely, they are also substantially more likely to have had at least one “heavy drinking day” in the past year and more apt to be a current smoker. Phones have reshaped our lives. The next time you pull out your phone, spend a minute pondering what your life and the world would be like if the phone hadn’t been created. Jay L. Zagorsky, Senior lecturer, Boston University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Body 2:

Opinion

As more people embrace a xenophobic and anti-immigrant worldview, it is fueling hostility and violence toward those deemed “outsiders”.

Twitter / @OptimumTimesnow

The recent massacre of 50 Muslim worshippers at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand is the latest confirmation that white supremacy is a danger to democratic societies across the globe. Despite President Donald Trump’s suggestion that white nationalist terrorism is not a major problem, recent data from the United Nations, University of Chicago and other sources show the opposite. As more people embrace a xenophobic and anti-immigrant worldview, it is fueling hostility and violence toward those deemed “outsiders” – whether because of their religion, skin color or national origin. Transnational violence Most of the Western world – from Switzerland and Germany to the United States, Scandinavia and New Zealand – has witnessed a potent nationalist strain infecting society in recent years. Driven by fear over the loss of white primacy, white nationalists believe that white identity should be the organizing principle of Western society. “Every people in the world can have their own country except white people,” the American Freedom Party’s William Daniel Johnson told the Chicago Sun Times after the New Zealand attack. “We should have white ethno-states.” In researching our upcoming book on extremism – our joint area of academic expertise – we found that hate crimes have risen alongside the global spread of white nationalism. Racist attacks on refugees, immigrants, Muslims and Jews are increasing worldwide at an alarming rate. Scholars studying the internationalization of hate crimes call this dangerous phenomenon “violent transnationalism.” In Europe, white violence appears to have been triggered by the sudden increase, in 2015, of refugees fleeing war in Syria and elsewhere in the Middle East. Ultra-nationalists across the continent – including politicians at the highest rungs of power – used the influx as evidence of the imminent “cultural genocide” of white people. White nationalism is a US export This disturbing international trend, in its modern incarnation, was born in the United States. Since the 1970s, a small, vocal cadre of American white supremacists have sought to export their ideology of hate. Avowed racists like Ku Klux Klan wizard David Duke, Aryan Nations founder Richard Butler and extremist author William Pierce believe the white race is under attack worldwide by a cultural invasion of immigrants and people of color. The United States is diversifying, but it remains 77 percent white. White supremacists, however, have long contended that the country’s demographic changes will lead to an extermination of the white race and culture. The “alt-right” – an umbrella term describing modern online white supremacist movement – uses the same language. And it has expanded this 20th-century xenophobic worldview to portray refugees, Muslims and progressives as a threat, too. Alt-right leaders like Richard Spencer, extremist Jared Taylor and the Neo-Nazi Daily Stormer editor Andrew Anglin also use social media to share their ideology and recruit members across borders. They have found a global audience of white supremacists who, in turn, have also used the internet to share their ideas, encourage violence and broadcast their hate crimes worldwide. “The hatred that led to violence in Pittsburgh and Charlottesville is finding new adherents around the world,” Jonathan Greenblatt of the Anti-Defamation League, a civil liberties watchdog, told USA Today after the New Zealand attack. “Indeed, it appears that this attack was not just focused on New Zealand; it was intended to have a global impact.” Rising racist violence We know the alleged New Zealand mosque shooter’s hatred of Muslims was inspired by American white nationalism – he said so on Twitter. His online “manifesto” includes references to cultural conflicts that the author believed would eventually lead the United States to separate along ethnic, political and racial lines. The alleged attacker also wrote that he supports President Donald Trump “as a symbol of renewed white identity.” Trump and other right-wing politicians like French presidential candidate Marine Le Pen and Dutch opposition leader Geert Wilders have blamed the very real problems of modern life – growing economic instability, rising inequality and industrial decay – on immigrants and people of color. That narrative has added further hostility into the existing undercurrent of intolerance in increasingly multicultural societies like the United States. Hate crimes against Muslims, immigrants and people of color have been on the rise in the U.S. since 2014. In 2015, the Southern Poverty Law Center documented 892 hate crimes. The next year, it counted 917 hate crimes. In 2017 – the year Trump took office stoking nationalist sentiment with promises to build walls, deport Mexicans and ban Muslims – the U.S. saw 954 white supremacist attacks. One of them was a violent clash between counterprotesters and white nationalists over the removal of a confederate statue in Charlottesville, Virginia. The 2017 “Unite the Right” rally, which killed one person and injured dozens, amplified the ideas of modern white nationalists nationally and worldwide. Last year, white nationalists killed at least 50 people in the United States. Their victims included 11 worshippers at a Pittsburgh synagogue, two elderly black shoppers in a Kroger parking lot in Kentucky and two women practicing yoga in Florida. The years 2015, 2016 and 2018 were the United States’ deadliest years for extremist violence since 1970, according to the Anti-Defamation League. All perpetrators of deadly extremist violence in the U.S. in 2018 had links to white nationalist groups. That made 2018 “a particularly active year for right-wing extremist murders,” the Anti-Defamation League says. Nationalist terror is a danger to the domestic security of the United States and, evidence shows, a global terror threat that endangers the very nature of global democratic society. Art Jipson, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Dayton and Paul J. Becker, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Dayton This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Body 2:

Social Media

WhatsApp said that tracing the origin of message is not possible given the end-to-end encryption that it provides, and it would require the company to re-architect WhatsApp.

IANS

As experts demand Facebook-owned WhatsApp to disclose information about where a message in question has originated from, the company has reiterated that such proposed changes are not consistent with the strong privacy protections important to people. WhatsApp offers end-to-end encryption by default which means only the sender and the recipient can see the messages in circulation -- not even WhatsApp. In a recent media workshop, WhatsApp categorically said that tracing the origin of message is not possible given the end-to-end encryption that it provides and it would require the company to re-architect WhatsApp, leading us to a different product, one that would not be fundamentally private."Imagine if every message you sent was kept with a record of the fact that you sent it and with a record of your phone number. That would not be a place for private communications," said a WhatsApp spokesperson. WhatsApp is removing over two million accounts per month for bulk or automated behaviour -- over 75 per cent without a recent user report."These efforts are particularly important during elections where certain groups may attempt to send messages at scale," said the company. WhatsApp said its service is not a broadcast platform."We place limits on group sizes and how users send messages. Approximately 90 per cent of the messages sent on WhatsApp are from one person to another, and a majority of groups have fewer than 10 people. WhatsApp requires the message sender to know the phone number of the recipient," said the company. WhatsApp on Monday launched the second-leg of its "Share Joy, Not Rumours" education campaign to encourage the responsible use of its platform ahead of the Lok Sabha polls."We're pleased that the recent changes we've made to limit viral content and educate users is having an impact. This work is never done -- there is more that we can and will do," WhatsApp India head Abhijit Bose said in a statement recently.

Body 2:

Lok Sabha 2019

In the first polls in the state after the bifurcation, the stage seems to be set for a three-way contest between the TDP, YSRCP and Jana Sena.

Srinivas Alavilli

Five years after the bifurcation, Andhra Pradesh goes to the polls in about three weeks. In a political scenario that has changed significantly in the last 5 years, the stage seems to be set for a three-way contest between the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), YSRCP and Jana Sena Party. The Jana Sena, which had allied with the TDP in 2014, is now fighting against it. The two national parties, Congress and BJP, seem irrelevant in this election. The third front, in the form of Jana Sena, CPI, CPI(M) and BSP, is trying to challenge the established political order. TDP and Chandrababu Naidu’s victory last time came about not because people trusted him with the new state; he scraped through with the help of the Modi phenomenon that swept the nation and Pawan Kalyan’s staunch support. His flipflops with the Special Category Status for the residual state and his obsession with Amaravati are not easily forgotten. Everyone knows CBN is big on self-promotion and branding, but even his supporters acknowledge that he went overboard this term. Succession planning has also been put in action with his son Lokesh being everywhere and this is likely to hurt the TDP more than help. A large number of sons and daughters of TDP leaders are in the fray this time, making it look more like a family affair. The recent episode of voter data mismanagement exposed the insecurities of the TDP. Many surveys seem to give a clear edge to the YSRCP, a reflection of the relentless campaign mode that Jagan was on for more than a year. The long, state-wide pada yatra helped him engage with voters and announce candidates ahead of any other party. The fact that many TDP leaders defected to join his party is a clear indication that the political class too is looking at Jagan as a winning horse. Jagan has established himself firmly as a successor to the late YSR who millions still love as a result of direct benefits received during his tenure, such as Arogya Sri, fee reimbursement and housing programmes. In the last five years, the YSRCP has occupied the political space vacated by the Congress party at the booth level. However, Jagan hit a self-goal of sorts by rubbing shoulders with KCR, as this has not gone down well with AP voters. The allegations against him in the recent murder of his uncle YS Vivekananda Reddy seem to have further dented his image. Jana Sena was not seen as a strong contender to form the government, but recent events might give it a big boost heading into the election. Ex CBI officer VV Lakshminarayana, known popularly as ‘JD’ (Joint Director) across the Telugu states for his fearless handling of the high-profile Satyam scam, the Obalapuram mining scam (involving the Gali brothers), and the biggest of them all – the disproportionate assets case against Jagan that landed the leader in jail – has recently joined Jana Sena and will be contesting in these elections. JD’s entry is significant for multiple reasons. After taking voluntary retirement from the IPS, he has been travelling and speaking to students everywhere; he has earned trust from people, young and old, as an inspiring leader. He had declared his intentions to start a new political party but that didn’t materialise. His mere presence adds gravitas to Pawan Kalyan’s message of cleansing politics of caste and corruption. While the TDP and YSRCP rely entirely on CBN and Jagan as star campaigners, Jana Sena can rely on two: Pawan Kalyan and JD Lakshminarayana. Pawan Kalyan was able to create a stir among the youth but the older generation is sceptical about his ability to govern owing to his to lack of experience. JD’s entry helps change these perceptions as he has a clean image with instant recognition that very few can bring to the table in this election. Pawan Kalyan also pulled off a small miracle by announcing a seat-sharing alliance with Mayawati’s BSP. While the BSP is not a political force in Andhra, it will certainly add to the support base of Jana Sena in all constituencies. The two Left parties will bring in some votes as well. Jana Sena’s ticket allocation is also interesting – it has a good mix of seasoned politicians who have won elections earlier, a lot of young, first-time candidates, and academics and professionals who have jumped into politics for the first time, reminiscent of NTR’s candidate selection in 1982. This conveys that the party is committed to change but doesn’t shy away from actively recruiting seasoned hands as well. The politics of Andhra Pradesh revolves around caste, money and party loyalties. The stakes are extremely high and the swing voters are likely to decide the winner. Usually, they end up voting ‘against’ and not ‘for’. But this time around, there seems to be a viable third option at the ballot. Srinivas is a citizen activist and an occasional commentator on politics. He was an invited speaker at the Jana Sena Fact Finding Committee in 2018. Views expressed are the author’s own.

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Opinion

Pinarayi Vijayan's stocks have rapidly gone up even as his party faces an uphill task in this election.

Anand Kochukudy

Courtesy: PTI

When elections were held to the Kerala Assembly in the summer of 2016, the opposition Left Democratic Front (LDF) led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) did not have a designated Chief Ministerial face. Pinarayi Vijayan was in complete control of the CPI(M) organisation – even after stepping down as the State Secretary in 2015 – but wasn't projected as the Chief Minister-in-waiting. In fact, 92-year-old VS Achuthanandan was the face of the LDF campaign and primary vote-catcher for his party and the LDF alliance. Pinarayi Vijayan, contesting his first election in 20 years after a record five terms as the State Secretary, was definitely the front-runner. But the CPI(M) leadership – including General Secretary Sitaram Yechuri – wouldn't address that question as it was imperative to keep the aging VS Achuthanandan in good humour, as well as keep the supporters of both leaders happy. Achuthananthan toured the length and breadth of the state to campaign for LDF candidates, with party nominees jostling to get him to their constituency. After the declaration of results, however, Pinarayi Vijayan emerged as the Chief Minister. And with age finally catching up with VS Achuthanandan, the nonagenarian gradually bowed out of public sphere. However, Pinarayi Vijayan seemed to struggle to come to terms with his role as Chief Minister in the initial days. In public perception, it wasn't until August last year, when the state was deluged by floods, that Pinarayi Vijayan actually made the transition from a stern party secretary to a Chief Minister. Despite his well-documented run-ins with the media on many occasions, he held regular press conferences to allay fears and gave an impression of being in charge. His ratings suddenly went up and his leadership and calm demeanour during the tough times were hailed by even his worst critics. The historic Sabarimala verdict, allowing the entry of women of all ages entry into the hill shrine, coming within a month of that, proved to be the next big challenge for the Chief Minister. Pinarayi Vijayan stood his ground on welcoming the verdict even in the face of many fellow party leaders – including Ministers – wavering on their positions. Although critics argue that he didn't have much of a choice, Vijayan didn't choose the less risky option of being disingenuous or ambivalent. He kept harping on Kerala renaissance and the need to implement the Supreme Court order in letter and spirit. True, Vijayan went about it tactlessly as he tried to remote-control the Travancore Devaswom Board which didn't help his cause. That was probably the Party Secretary in him occasionally rearing his head. But more importantly, he didn't waver on his stand despite the public fury and street protests. The CPI(M) held meetings in every district to clarify their stand, and Pinarayi Vijayan's speeches got praise from various quarters. These explanatory meetings also saw large public participation. Vijayan was at the vanguard of defending the secular values, even as many of his fellow Comrades seemed to waver. It was all the more significant because none of the prominent Congress leaders in the state spoke out in support of the Sabarimala verdict – instead choosing to play safe by reflecting public opinion. With the election season underway, Pinarayi Vijayan will be the star campaigner for the CPI(M) and the LDF. Despite the Election Commission diktat to not ask for votes in the name of Sabarimala, it is definitely going to be a big issue dictating the poll outcome in Kerala. None of the other prominent leaders of the CPI(M) have articulated the party's stand as well as the Chief Minister, and he will once again have to do the heavy lifting. Although the CPI(M) has lost the support of the powerful Nair Service Society (NSS) and a section of the caste Hindu vote on account of its stand on Sabarimala, the party expects a section of the secular vote to switch from the opposition United Democratic Front (UDF) to make up for that. The twin political murders of two Youth Congress workers in Periya in Kasargod on the eve of this election allegedly at the hands of CPI(M) cadre is what might upset these calculations of the Marxist party. But it was curious that many of the prominent public figures and cultural icons in Kerala maintained a studied silence on the matter despite widespread public anger. Although unconscionable, this silence might have been a direct result of Pinarayi Vijayan's outreach to many of the community organisations in the wake of the Sabarimala judgement and his commitment to implement the apex court order in letter and spirit. Outspoken Marxist critics like Sunny M Kapikad and others took a soft line on the matter, or made motherhood and apple pie statements in its wake. To quote a prominent literary figure who did not want to be named, "The political murders are unfortunate but it would be unfair to blame the Chief Minister for it." Pinarayi Vijayan's stocks have rapidly gone up even as his party faces an uphill task in this election. If the LDF was hesitant to ask for votes in Pinarayi Vijayan's name beyond the Malabar region in 2016, things are vastly different this time around as the Chief Minister will be the star campaigner and primary vote-catcher for his alliance. That is quite a turnaround for the organisation man once renowned for his perpetual frown and authoritarian ways. Anand Kochukudy is a Delhi-based political commentator and academic. Views expressed are the writer’s own.

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Politics

Krishna – or KBG as everyone, including his wife Meenakshi, refers to him – is known for his political astuteness, pragmatism, and planning.

Sowmya Aji

The alliance partners in Karnataka have thrown down the gauntlet and taken the battle to the BJP by fielding top young Congress leader, Krishna Byre Gowda, to fight the Bengaluru North Lok Sabha seat against Union minister and former Chief Minister DV Sadananda Gowda. With this, a seriousness that appeared lacking till now in the fight for Karnataka’s 28 seats, has suddenly emerged. Krishna – or KBG as everyone, including his wife Meenakshi, refers to him – is known for his political astuteness, pragmatism, and planning. His candidature, though left to the absolute last minute and with unnecessary fuss, indicates that the Congress will now work its hardest to fight the three seats in Bengaluru that have been held by the BJP for the last decade. His candidature signifies that the Congress acknowledges the importance of the Vokkaligas by giving the ticket to a young leader of their community, which has felt bruised by the Siddaramaiah regime from 2013-2018. It renders the alliance more palatable to the JD(S), the party of Vokkaligas. It helps Congress candidate BK Hariprasad in Bengaluru South consolidate the considerable Vokkaliga votes, while KBG’s mentee, the Bengaluru Central candidate Rizwan Arshad, benefits from his suave, urban Bengaluru image. KBG earned his reputation as a cool political fighter and clear-sighted planner the hard way. Ten years ago, he stood for elections in the southern part of Bengaluru city, nominated as the Congress Candidate at the very last minute. He stood against the formidable four-term BJP MP, Ananth Kumar, a man who had friends everywhere including his opponents’ parties. In that election, the young, largely unknown KBG, with all of six years in political life and armed only with the knowledge of working with the Youth Congress as their Karnataka president for two years, gave Ananth Kumar one of the toughest fights of his political career. It was said in political circles, across party lines, that if KBG had been given some preparation time and if he had not been betrayed by some of his own partymen – who feared his sterling rise as Rahul Gandhi’s blue-eyed boy – he would have trounced Ananth Kumar in that election. The importance of being KBG was underlined just last week. None other than former Prime Minister HD Deve Gowda, the towering patriarch of the Vokkaliga community, visited the 45-year-old key minister of the Congress-JD(S) coalition government in Karnataka, at his official home. Deve Gowda is known to pay dramatic political visits at crucial times, but they are rare. And this was, perhaps, the first time that he visited a politician so much younger than himself, the son of one of his own cabinet ministers, the late C Byre Gowda, with whom his parting was acrimonious. The basis for Deve Gowda’s gesture was politically astounding. He went to invite KBG to contest the Bengaluru North seat, which had been given to the JD(S), in a convoluted arrangement similar to what has happened in Udupi-Chikmagalur constituency. Congress leader Pramod Madhwaraj is contesting that seat on a JD(S) ticket despite not resigning from the primary membership of his own party. And no one seems to find that extraordinary, given that an alliance between the Congress and JD(S) is itself, to borrow a BJP phrase, ‘unnatural.’ KBG reportedly politely declined the offer and instead told the senior Gowda that he and his party would extend wholehearted support to the JD(S). Though he did not state in so many words that he would not contest on a JD(S) ticket like Madhwaraj, sources say he “managed it with his usual finesse.” Deve Gowda had no option but to face the writing on the wall. He didn’t have a candidate to take on Union Minister DV Sadananda Gowda of the BJP, so he gave up the seat to his alliance partner. The Congress party, on its part, came to the exact same conclusion he did: that the alliance’s best candidate for Bengaluru North was KBG. Bengaluru North is a constituency that KBG knows far better than Bengaluru South. The constituency he represents in the Karnataka Assembly, Byatarayanapura, falls under Bengaluru North. He had to dive in, cultivate, and win this city constituency, newly formed in 2008, shifting from his old segment of Vemgal in Kolar district, which was disbanded during the reconstitution of Assembly constituencies. The problem for KBG is that again, he has been thrust into the fight for the Lok Sabha seat at the very last minute. His advantage, this time, is that he has more political knowledge, the support of both Congress and JD(S) workers and like Ananth Kumar, friends across parties. Views expressed are the author's own. Sowmya Aji is a political journalist who has covered Karnataka for 26 years.

Body 2:

Lok Sabha 2019

Although late Congress leader MI Shanavas won from Wayanad in the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha polls, he rarely visited the constituency after getting elected.

KA Shaji

For a generation that had never seen the sea, a helicopter landing and sending up clouds of dust in the air was quite amusing. The people in my village rarely went beyond the taluk headquarters in Sulthan Bathery, Wayanad district. They used to turn emotional while recollecting the rare occasions when choppers carrying then Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi landed on the makeshift helipads arranged at the St Mary’s College ground. On most occasions, the choppers failed to touch the land because of adverse weather conditions. After hovering over the college campus for a few minutes, the choppers would return either to Kozhikode or Mysore with the leaders. On the ground, the local Congressmen would be at their emotional best to boost the morale of a huge crowd that would soon become disappointed because they could not meet their favourite leaders. They would blame the adverse weather conditions for not facilitating the much-anticipated meeting between the leader and the people. They then console the public, saying that Wayanad occupies a pride of place in the minds of the party leaders. There are many people in the landlocked Wayanad, including tribals, peasants and other rural poor, who have never seen the sea. Very few had the opportunity in the past to see the landing of helicopters on the Sulthan Bathery college ground and that too midst a cloud of dust. And on rare occasions, the leaders descended from the choppers accompanied by Machiavellian K Karunakaran and ‘Mouni Baba’ AK Antony. And so what happens when someone sees the ocean for the first time? That was the kind of emotion my 89-year-old grandmother felt on Sunday when she was watching on television the press conference convened by AK Antony in the faraway New Delhi. It took several minutes for her to come to terms with reality. The Gandhi family scion is descending on her rural area to become a Lok Sabha candidate. She immediately thanked Lord Jesus Christ and offered to go to Pallikkunnu pilgrim centre in the district next month to ensure divine intervention in increasing Rahul Gandhi’s vote margin. An upbeat mood was visible outside my grandmother’s house. People were seen distributing sweets and shouting slogans welcoming the Gandhi family scion. Wayanad villages seldom saw political heavyweights. Prakash Karat, Brinda Karat and Sitaram Yechuri were the top politicians from New Delhi, who reached out to the local community occasionally, with the help of translators. From the Congress, only AK Antony and Ommen Chandy used to frequent Wayanad. The national leaders of Congress never visited Wayanad. But Wayanad always remained, by and large, a Congress citadel. About 50.02% of the total population are minority communities. Among them, 21.34% are Christians and 28.68% are Muslims, while the Hindus constitute 49.48%. The minorities always preferred Congress. It was in 2009 that the Wayanad Lok Sabha constituency was born. Till then, Sulthan Bathery and Kalpetta assembly constituencies were part of Kozhikode Lok Sabha constituency. North Wayanad or Mananthavady belonged to Kannur Lok Sabha constituency. The new Lok Sabha constituency looked almost like a Congress fort, where no Communist can sneak into, even accidentally. Three Assembly constituencies of the Malappuram district, where Congress ally Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has large-scale influence, were added to the constituency. Among them, Eranad continues to remain a citadel of the IUML while Nilambur and Wandoor have the largest congregation of minorities. Thiruvambady, the lone assembly constituency from Kozhikode district that was attached to the Wayanad Lok Sabha Constituency, is also a Mulsim League bastion. Syrian Christians also enjoy considerable clout here. With 30% forest cover, Wayanad also has about 17% tribal voters. None of these segments have traditional supporters of the Left. The pepper, coffee and ginger cultivators are now more at the mercy of climate change. After all, it is a constituency with just 3.86% of urban voters. However, things have started changing in recent years. Congress leader MI Shanavas won for the first time from the Wayanad constituency with a thumping majority of 1,53,439 votes in 2009. His majority reduced to 20,870 during the second term in 2014. He had obtained the nickname Desadana Pakshi (Migratory Bird) because of his inability to visit the constituency often after getting elected. In the last assembly election, Kalpetta, Mananthavady and Thiruvambady elected Left front candidates. Nilambur elected a Left independent. Rahul Gandhi can reignite the Congress possibilities in Wayanad. He can gain a huge number of votes. But in the Nilgiri constituency of Tamil Nadu, which shares the border with Wayanad, the Congress and Left are united in ensuring the victory of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhakam (DMK) candidate. KA Shaji is a south Indian journalist who regularly reports from the backward parts of the region and works in the areas of environmental protection, social advocacy and grassroots level development. Views expressed are the author's own.

Body 2:

Opinion

In at least four Assembly constituencies, TTV Dhinakaran’s old Pressure Cooker symbol has been allotted to independents with the same name as AMMK candidates.

G Babu Jayakumar

In the shrill cacophony of debates and discussions on the April 18 elections in Tamil Nadu, one political leader whose name often gets drowned is TTV Dhinakaran. Though he has been ignored seemingly as irrelevant and inconsequential in the hustings, he is a force to reckon with, particularly in the crucial bye-elections to the 18 Assembly constituencies, which the powers that be are indeed aware of it. An indication of that awareness is the no holds barred efforts to deprive Dhinakaran of his old ‘Pressure Cooker’ symbol and also the covert move to confuse voters by allotting that symbol to other independents. That Dhinakaran had to put up an enduring fight for an election symbol, which many dismissed as just a routine wrangle with the Election Commission of India, itself exemplifies the prevalent fears over his political maneuvering skills. Otherwise, why should the AIADMK turn jittery when he asked for the Pressure Cooker symbol for all candidates of his party, Amma Makkal Munetra Kazhagam (AMMK), which, along with alliance partners, has fielded candidates in all the 39 Lok Sabha seats and 18 Assembly constituencies facing by-elections in the state? Of course, the Pressure Cooker was Dhinakaran’s winning symbol at the RK Nagar bye-election in December 2017. But does it warrant such a vicious legal battle against its allotment to AMMK? The case dragged till the last day for filing of nominations and the AIADMK won. However, it lost on the other plea that AMMK candidates should not be allowed to contest on a common symbol. But after the AMMK was allotted ‘Gift Pack’ as a common symbol, another hanky-panky came to light. At least in four Assembly constituencies, the Pressure Cooker was allotted to independents with the same name as AMMK candidates. In Thiruvarur, vacated by the demise of former Chief Minister former and DMK President M Karunanidhi, the AMMK candidate is S Kamaraj and the independent who has been allotted the Pressure Cooker symbol is also Kamaraj. In Pappireddypatti, the AMMK candidate is TK Rajendran and the independent with the symbol Pressure Cooker is also Rajendran. So is the case in Harur, where Murugan is the name of AMMK candidate, while his namesake is the one with Pressure Cooker. In Sattur, the common name is Subramaniam. It is anybody’s guess who is instrumental in playing this old trick - of making candidates with the same name of popular politicians file nominations – and this time adding an additional twist by allotting the Pressure Cooker symbol to them. And it is not without reason. Even if the public at large may not be aware of or remember Dhinakaran’s role in the past elections since the late 1990s, the mandarins in the AIADMK would be fully conscious of it as they would have had a ringside view of it. In fact, many of them were identified to contest elections and made to win under the ‘Two Leaves’ symbol of the AIADMK by Dhinakaran, though he stayed much in the background. Managing Jaya’s election campaign in 2002 His exemplary work in managing an election campaign was seen in 2002 when Jayalalithaa was contesting the bye-elections to Andipatti. After her party swept the Assembly Elections in 2001, Jayalalithaa had assumed charge as Chief Minister though she had been barred from contesting owing to a corruption case (TANSI land deal). Four months after being sworn in as CM, Jayalalithaa was forced to step down as the Supreme Court quashed her appointment. She let O Panneerselvam hold fort until she was acquitted by the Madras High Court in March 2002. She assumed charge as Chief Minister again and then went to Andipatti to seek the people’s mandate. Dhinakaran, who was then a Lok Sabha member representing Periyakulam, in which Andipatti was a segment, was in total control of the constituency. The manner in which he organized the campaign for Jayalalithaa, motivated the grassroots level party workers and mobilized the voters to go to the polling booths, revealed how good a poll strategist he could be. The same skills were on show very recently at RK Nagar, first in April 2017 when the bye-elections were declared after the passing away of Jayalalithaa in December 2016, and again in December 2017 when he clinched the seat. Beating the odds in RK Nagar When he had to contest as an independent and was allotted the ‘hat’ symbol in April, he ensured that it sat snuggly on his head. But that election was abruptly called off ostensibly due to allegations of irregularities and possibly because the ’hat’ had by then endeared itself to the voters of RK Nagar. Then the Election Commission sorted out the dispute over the claim for the AIADMK’s symbol, ‘Two Leaves’, by handing it over to the group led by Chief Minister Edappadi Palaniswami, and then called for the bye-election in December 2017. Again, Dhinakaran filed his nomination as an independent and asked for the ‘hat’ symbol that he had popularised in the constituency. But the Election Commission refused to allot the symbol and instead gave him the ‘Pressure Cooker’. A never say die politician, Dhinakaran, accepted it with elan and popularised it to the extent that he won the election with an unprecedented margin and became the first independent to win a bye-election in the state. But the way in which the Pressure Cooker was popularised in one small constituency in Chennai gave the jitters to the AIADMK when Dhinakaran asked for it when the Lok Sabha Elections came. The main fear of the AIADMK is that Dhinakaran could play spoilsport for the ruling party which needs to win a necessary number of seats in the bye-elections to stay in power. Most of those constituencies fell vacant because AIADMK MLAs owing to allegiance to Dhinakaran had given a letter to the Governor expressing their lack of confidence in the leadership of the Chief Minister, leading to their disqualification. Since there is every possibility of Dhinakaran and his followers having considerable clout in those constituencies, the ruling party is seemingly desperate to outsmart him. For, losing the 18 constituencies would render the AIADMK without a majority in the Assembly. If Dhinakaran uses his proven political skills and popularises his latest symbol ‘Gift Pack’ in the entire length and breadth of the state, it could spell doom for the government, besides leading to the AIADMK-led alliance faring miserably in the Lok Sabha Elections. Dhinakaran, who had to break away from the AIADMK with his band of supporters after the incarceration of his aunt, VK Sasikala, consequent to the death of former Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa, has the potential to break the AIADMK now even if his party may not scale greater heights. Views are the author's own. G Babu Jayakumar is senior journalist living in Chennai.

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Workplace sexual harassment

As sexual harassment is a result of unchecked power, TNM examines the modes of power and privilege in the Indian workplace.

Abhaya Tatavarti

A common myth about sexual harassment at the workplace, like other forms of sexual violence, is that it is an act of lust or love. Feminist research has shown that sexual harassment is about power and that it is an iteration of power over others. As Anita Hill, who famously spoke out publicly about sexual harassment at the workplace, says, it is an abuse of power and should be treated as such. It is used as a tool to control and sustain power inequalities. Changing social relations and workplace dynamics demand that dominant or privileged identities must make space for historically excluded and oppressed groups. One of the ways to resist inclusion and maintain the status quo is sexual harassment. As sexual harassment is a result of unchecked power, let us examine a few modes of power and privilege in the Indian workplace. Sexual harassment and power in Bhanwari Devi’s Landmark Case The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 is rooted in the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Vishaka Guidelines of 1997. The Vishaka judgement was a result of the alleged brutal retaliation that Bhanwari Devi faced for doing her job. Five men from the dominant Gujar community in Bhateri, Rajasthan gang-raped her for attempting to stop a child-marriage between two powerful Gujar families. It was part of her job, as a sathin under the Women Development Programme, to deter child marriages in her community. The incident of Bhanwari Devi reflects various intersections of power; she was a woman of an oppressed caste and she was gaining power in her community. It was an expression of power against her caste and gender identity. Rape was used as a retaliatory measure for daring to challenge both a strongly held belief and a powerful family. Power inequality in society According to sociological and psychological research, sexual harassment is a result of unequal power structures. In awareness workshops, I always get asked “Why does the law only protect women?” As sexual harassment is a result of power imbalances, in society we see that power is unevenly distributed amongst men and women. Because of this, perpetrators often tend to be men and survivors often tend to be women or gender non-conforming individuals. Of course, there are exceptions to this, but data and research shows that women are disproportionately affected by sexual harassment at workplaces. While a gender-neutral law would be more reflective of various gender identities and inclusive of the LGBTQIA+ community’s experiences, it is also specifically aimed to rebalance a patriarchal inequality. For example, Jackson Katz’s viral chart about the precautions men and women take every day against sexual assault revealed the pervasive disparity that exists between men and women’s daily lives. Intersection of social inequalities and workplace dynamics When we enter the workplace, we often unwittingly reproduce societal inequalities. Even today, workplaces and institutions tend to be largely homogenous. Not only do workplaces lack diversity, but senior leadership is also overwhelmingly homogenous; last year India ranked fifth lowest in the number of women in leadership positions. Caste, class, gender and sexual identity are some other diversity markers that are poorly represented in workplaces. Lack of representation in senior leadership, combined with a lack of diversity in workforces reinforces skewed power relations. According to Professor Ben Voyer, research shows that who are already predisposed to committing sexual harassment are further emboldened by power. In a recent article exploring the link between #MeToo and the workplace gender pay gap, the author asserts that “management experts and executives say, harassment can be a direct side effect of a workplace that slights women on everything from pay to promotions, especially when the perception is that men run the show and women can’t speak up.” Culture of Deference Another unique aspect of the Indian workplace is the culture of deference. We are taught as children to defer to authority and to never talk back. This manifests in deeply hierarchical organisations, and feeds into impunity for those in power. It creates what is known as a “power gap,” defined by Sam Adeyami as “the power gap created by hierarchical leadership [that] results in followers not providing feedback or questioning the leader.” In the context of sexual harassment, wide power gaps could lead to hostile work environments that begin at the top and trickle down to the entire work culture. What Susan Fowler described in her workplace at Uber is a classic example of this. It is important to create appropriate checks and balances for leadership and to encourage respectful dissent. Large power gaps make perpetrators feel like they can get away with their actions and people will feel like they cannot speak up. What can we do? As organisations, it is important to address sexual harassment holistically. One way to do this is by mitigating power inequalities. Here are some steps organisations can take: Actively discuss power inequalities in awareness sessions about sexual harassment Awareness sessions should not just cover the legal compliances but also address the social elements inherent in sexual harassment. Facilitators should ensure they sensitively articulate the role of power in sexual harassment. Conduct senior leadership conversations It is important for senior leadership to understand their responsibility in creating a healthy workplace culture. Further, they must understand the impact of their own power. Hold manager sensitisations It is equally important for managers to understand their role in ensuring there is a culture of respect at the workplace. For instance, when giving negative feedback, using professional rather than personal language goes a long way in demonstrating respect. Create flatter organisational structures to reduce the power gap Organisations that do not create rigid boundaries and hierarchies tend to have a healthier workplace culture. Policies such as ensuring that employees get the same hotel accommodation while travelling for work, regardless of their tenure or role, help dismantle hierarchies. Have discussions about consent and power It is important that institutions, workplaces and colleges have open and honest conversations about consent and power. There is tendency to brush under the rug what makes us uncomfortable, but employees should be facilitated to engage with this discomfort to create change. Abhaya Tatavarti is the lead consultant for the Prevention of Sexual Harassment at Parity Consulting in Bengaluru.

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Lok Sabha 2019

Lok Sabha constituencies Vijayapura and Bagalkote both have women candidates standing for elections on the Congress-JD(S) ticket.

Sowmya Aji

For the first time in history, the most feudal part of Karnataka -- the twin districts and Lok Sabha constituencies of Vijayapura and Bagalkote -- both have women candidates standing for Parliament elections from the Congress-JD(S) combine. Vijayapura (erstwhile Bijapur) had a woman candidate from the Congress once earlier -- Laxmibai Basagondappa Gudadinni -- in 1999, who lost. But Bagalkote Lok Sabha has never had a woman candidate before. The Congress fielded Bagalkote zilla panchayat chairperson, Veena Kashappanavar, wife of its former Hungund MLA Vijayanand, while the JD(S) candidate Sunitha Chavan is the wife of Nagthan MLA Devanand, continuing the hold of these political families in the region. These two districts are the strongholds of the politically and numerically powerful Lingayats and are represented mainly by them. Since 2009, however, Vijayapura became a reserved constituency and has been held by BJP’s Ramesh Jigajinagi, one of former Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde’s closest followers. The contests this time in both constituencies is intriguing and close, giving the women a fighting chance at becoming the region’s first non-male representatives in the Lok Sabha. The BJP, which has held the seat from 1999, is a divided house as Jigajinagi and his predecessor, Basanagouda Patil Yatnal -- who was a minister in the Vajpayee government -- have had public spats and are unhappy with each other. Yatnal, known as “Yatnal Goudru” in this region, belongs to the numerically-strong Panchamsaali sub-sect of the Lingayats and is also currently the BJP’s MLA from Vijayapura city. The Congress has two ministers in the state government from this district -- Home Minister M B Patil, who was Vijayapura’s MP in 1998 and Health Minister Shivanand Patil -- and an MLA, while the JD(S) has two MLAs. BJP has three MLAs including Yatnal. On paper, the combined might of the Congress and the JD(S) is certainly superior to the BJP and given the infighting in the saffron party, Sunitha Chavan appears to have more than a good chance of winning. The constituency also has a substantial population of Muslims, whose support the alliance is banking on, even if the Dalit vote splits both ways. Sunitha Chavan’s real problem, however, is the differences between the alliance partners themselves. Both the Congress ministers in the coalition state government not only have problems with each other, but were strongly in favour of this seat being fought by their party and not given to the JD(S). Sunitha Chavan is a complete political novice and there is heartburn even within the JD(S) that she has been given the ticket, while Congress workers are disgruntled that they have to support her rather than their own candidate. The Congress has played a smart caste game in the region with the candidature of Veena Kashappanavar in the neighbouring Bagalkote. Till now, the Congress kept giving party tickets in the region to either an Other Backward Caste Kuruba or a Reddy-Lingayat, another sub-caste of the Lingayats, who have always held power vastly disproportionate with their numerical strength. It caused displeasure among other Lingayat sub-castes, particularly the Panchamsaalis, who are the biggest sub-sect. Like Yatnal Goudru in Vijayapura, Veena’s husband Vijayanand and late father-in-law S R Kashappanavar, a minister in the SM Krishna state government of 1999-2004, have been prominent leaders of the Panchamsaali sub-sect. With her candidature, the Congress is finally acknowledging the importance of that sect by giving a Lok Sabha ticket to them. This can benefit the party not only in Bagalkote, but in most of North Karnataka. The arithmetic in Bagalkote, however, is totally in favour of sitting BJP MP P C Gaddigoudar, who belongs to the powerful Ganiga sub-caste of the Lingayats. The Ganigas are Karnataka’s equivalent of the Teli community that Prime Minister Narendra Modi belongs to and this region is one of the BJP’s strongholds. The Congress lost its Ganiga leader, the late former MP Siddu Nyamgouda, immediately after the 2018 elections, when he won the Jamkhandi assembly seat in this Lok Sabha constituency and also helped former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah win the neighbouring Badami assembly seat. Nyamgouda’s son Anand is now the Jamkhandi MLA but he and Siddaramaiah are the only MLAs the alliance has in this constituency. All the remaining six seats are held by the BJP. Perceptions, however, are not as simple as arithmetic. Bagalkote has a substantial population of Kurubas, the community that Siddaramaiah belongs to, as well as Panchamsaalis. The calculations of the Congress-JD(S) combine is that if their party workers cooperate and fight this election together -- the divisions are not as harsh as in some of the other constituencies -- Veena Kashappannavar might just be able to pull it off, just like Sunitha Chavan might, despite the outright misogyny that the region is known for. Views expressed are the author's own. Sowmya Aji is a political journalist who has covered Karnataka for 26 years.

Body 2:

Opinion

Does the law presume that persons who have the diagnosis of an impairment are of unsound mind for the purposes enrolling as voters? The short answer is no.

Amba Salelkar

Image for representation. File photo, PTI.

In 2016, the Election Commission in Tamil Nadu made headlines by facilitating the enrolment of a number of voters who were persons with disabilities, including long-term residents of mental health institutions. This was a celebrated effort that has since been replicated in a number of states, and in fact recently there was a special enrollment drive held within the Institute of Mental Health in Chennai where 129 inpatients were registered as voters. This has apparently led to some debate as to whether this was a Constitutionally valid procedure, throwing up issues of whether the votes cast by these persons would be a ‘fair’ vote. The right to vote and universal adult franchise extends to all citizens above the age of 18 in India. Article 326 of the Constitution permits the exclusion of persons who are otherwise qualified to vote from electoral rolls only by a law passed by the appropriate legislature on specific grounds. These grounds can only be that of non-residence, crime, corrupt or illegal practice, or for ‘unsoundness of mind’. Section 16 of the Representation of the People Act, 1950, enacts this option provided by the Constitution by disqualifying persons who are of ‘unsound mind’ and are so declared by a competent court from having their names on the electoral rolls. This is not new; the term ‘unsound mind’ is used in hundreds of laws enacted since colonial times. The question is – does the law presume that persons who have the diagnosis of an impairment, be it a mental illness or a developmental limitation, are of unsound mind for the purposes of denying them eligibility to enrol as voters? The short answer is no. Under the Indian Penal Code, ‘unsoundness of mind’ is an issue of fact that must be decided by a Court under Section 84. In order to acquit a person of a criminal charge, the consequence of ‘unsoundness of mind’ is that a person should not be able to understand right from wrong, or the consequences of their actions. Under the Indian Contract Act, having a sound mind for the purpose of contracting means that a person is capable of understanding a contract and of forming a rational judgment as to its effect upon his interests. Section 12 of the Act elaborates that the existence or absence of a ‘mental illness’ does not automatically lead to an assumption that a person is not of sound mind. In fact, there’s a clear example of a patient in a ‘lunatic asylum’ who may be considered to be competent to contract. Both these laws, as archaic as they are, dispel the notion that a diagnosis of mental illness itself is sufficient to deny a person what’s called legal capacity – the ability to be a subject of law and a holder of legal rights and obligations. In practice, however, the conflation of the terms ‘unsound mind’ and a diagnosis of a mental impairment has led to authorities excluding persons with intellectual, developmental, and psychosocial disabilities from a large number of rights and services on the grounds that they ‘appear’ to not be able to understand what they were getting into. Registration as voters was no different, in that sense. In 2017, India passed the Mental Healthcare Act, which carried a specific legislative clarification in Section 3 (5) that “The determination of a person’s mental illness shall alone not imply or be taken to mean that the person is of unsound mind unless he has been declared as such by a competent court.” The Mental Healthcare Act is one of two legislations that implement India’s obligations under the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities which it ratified in 2007. The Convention, particularly Article 12, prohibits any legislation which discriminates against persons with disabilities by denying them legal capacity on the basis of existence of an impairment. Article 14 prohibits deprivation of liberty on the grounds of actual or perceived impairment, which means ending forced institutionalisation. But let’s leave our international obligations out of this for the time being, and accept the laws of our land as they are and not as they should be. Barring a declaration by a civil court, the determination of unsoundness of mind with respect to a legal decision or legally binding action is only something that a court can undertake post facto to absolve a person of legal liability for the action. The grounds for remanding a person to a mental health institution are of a standard much lower than ‘unsoundness of mind’, and ostensibly have the primary purpose of providing therapeutic intervention and protection to the person in a situation of actual or perceived risk. Unfortunately, due to a failure of various systems, this remand often ends up being indefinite, particularly for those who end up in institutions because they have no support in the family or community. At a conference I attended last year, I was told the story of a young man with developmental disabilities who wanted to open a bank account. After many refusals, the bank allowed him to open an account provided he answered an exam to show that he understood the banking system. The young man studied for several weeks and aced the examination, which was quite a media sensation. The researcher presenting this story remarked that the young man was made to ‘know more about banking than any of us did’. Persons with disabilities are placed at a higher standard to prove competence in day to day decision making than others. Take this quote from the IMH head: “We took up the task of assessing our inmates for their decision-making capacity. We wanted to see if they understood the process of voting.” On this basis, 129 out of 900 inmates were selected as being ‘capable’ of voting, a process that no other person has to undergo when they apply to register as a voter. The existence of an impairment of any kind cannot justify the State’s intrusion into whether or not the persons affected by these impairments can make ‘right’ decisions. I believe that this is a logical extension of the recognition of decisional autonomy as part of the right to privacy laid down in the 2017 Puttaswamy Ruling. It also threatens the right to secret ballot that all voters enjoy. Empowering voters with disabilities, particularly those with intellectual, developmental, and psychosocial disabilities, is a huge step towards realisation of their rights. It makes them direct stakeholders. In this case, for example, it forces political parties campaigning in the constituencies which have such institutions to appeal to what this group needs, and evaluate what is presently available to them, on an equal basis with other voters being wooed in the constituency. The Election Commission of India is working entirely in the spirit and letter of the Constitution and law in India by enabling these voting rights for the most marginalised groups and is opening doors towards bridging the care gap. The next step is to mandate that political parties provide for their manifestos and other campaign materials in accessible formats, including simple language, to help voters make informed decisions on an equal basis with others. Amba Salelkar is lawyer working on gender, disability, and mental health inclusion based in Chennai. Views expressed are the author's own.

Body 2:

Opinion

Until we measure the governance of political parties with hard data, their talk is cheap, the vote is costly for voters, and women remain a corrigendum.

Tara Krishnaswamy

With barely two days left for Phase 1 of the General Elections in the country, when 91 constituencies in 20 states will go to the hustings, the ruling BJP finally unveiled its manifesto. The Congress had released theirs a week back. Here is a look at what they have to offer the women of India. BJP’s promises The BJP manifesto devotes a section to women’s empowerment, mostly a litany of existing government schemes. Their equal rights agenda is shockingly sparse, with exactly two items. Both have to do with Muslim marriage and divorce practices – one wonders if only Muslim women in India are denied equal rights. Beyond that, the BJP has committed to increasing child care facilities three fold to enable women’s participation in the workforce, covering ASHA and Anganwadi workers with insurance, sourcing from MSMEs that employ at least 50% women, collateral-free credit and 50% loans to women entrepreneurs and farmers, gender sensitivity training across educational institutions and public offices, and a comment on special attention to women in sports schemes. These are welcome – except that they have no meaning in the absence of data showing today’s and yesterday's baselines. How many childcare facilities are there in 2019? How many were there five years ago, ten years ago etc? How much does the GoI source from MSMEs employing at least 50% women today? And in the past years? There is also a section on reproductive and menstrual health services including immunisation of pregnant women, and universal provision of sanitary pads at Re 1 – a pleasant pendulum swing away from the 16% GST originally levied on the same. The only other item of relevance is the stated commitment to the Women's Reservation Bill for 33% seats in Parliament and State Assemblies. Unfortunately, it is hard to believe, given this commitment was carried forward untouched from their 2014 manifesto despite five years of their majority regime. While there is a liberal deployment of cliched phrases, the women’s section of the manifesto is arbitrary and shows a dirt poor understanding of the grave social, economic, and political issues ailing India today. Gender inequity, after all, is not a women’s issue; it is one that debilitates the country and its socio-economic progress. In summary, the BJP manifesto lacks a comprehensive and robust approach to women’s empowerment and is entirely unconvincing in its motive to appeal to women. Also read: Simultaneous elections, Uniform Civil Code and more: BJP manifesto highlights Congress’s promises In contrast, the Congress manifesto on women is better, albeit with serious gaps. It lays out three approaches: 1. A vertical approach that includes the gender agenda within sectors – agriculture, jobs, political representation, judiciary, police reforms, armed forces etc. Land rights, labour force participation with working women’s hostels, child care and fiscal incentives for businesses that employ women. Better liveability with safe public transport and public spaces, separate investigative agencies, and accountability at the district administration level for crimes against women, running of city administrations by women and attention to women in sports. 2. A horizontal approach addressing women's socio-economic standing. Economic fillip by closing the wage gap, enhancing rural self help groups, financial security measures, 33% women in the Police, CISF, CRPF and BSF etc, better access to public toilets, legal rights awareness through Panchayats, and more women in the Judiciary. Social impact programmes including mandatory gender (including LGBTQIA+) sensitivity training across government and the armed forces. 3. A policy oriented approach amending Service Rules for 33% jobs in Central Government, passing of the Women’s Reservation Bill for both the Parliament and State Assemblies, reviewing and extending the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplaces Act, 2013, awarding much needed teeth via onstitutional status to the National and State Commissions for Women, withdrawing the pending Rights of Transgender Persons Bill and replacing it with a progressive one in consultation with the LGBTQIA+ community. The main question of the Congress manifesto is their will to implement it, especially the schemes that require close collaboration with state governments. Also, while they have generously offered up the Women's Reservation Bill, their roster of women candidates is woefully poor at 11% for this very election. Manifestos often turn out to be write-only documents, less read and barely implemented. While laying out a vision for governance is a very necessary part of asking for mandate, it is a shame that it stops right there. A genuine manifesto is less a document of grandiose promises; instead it a review of prior commitments against deliveries and new ones framed in that context. Until we measure the governance of political parties with hard data, their talk is cheap, the vote is costly for voters, and women remain a corrigendum. Tara Krishnaswamy is a co-founder of Shakti – Political Power to Women, and Citizens for Bengaluru. Views expressed are the author’s own. Also read: Congress manifesto for Lok Sabha 2019: The key promises

Body 2:

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