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Saying ‘college was so much fun’ is a privilege: A half-Dalit, half-tribal woman writes

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Opinion
It took me 10 years after my B Tech to embrace my identity. It took me my MA to be able to say, I am Pallavi Banothu, Lambadi, an ST. It took me 3 years after that to articulate the trauma.
Photo courtesy: Pallavi Banothu
I see a lot of people declaring, “College was so much fun, college days are happy days, I wish I could go back to those days,” and so on. I wish I could say the same about my four years in an engineering college. Twelve years after graduating, I have finally mustered the courage to speak up now. To begin with, I never wanted to do engineering. I really didn't know what I wanted to do in life –  not when I was 17 at least. My father didn't leave me with much of a choice there. Engineering will be good, they said. It will have good career options, they said. Everybody, closely and distantly related to me, tried to convince me how my life would miraculously change after a B Tech. Nobody ever mentioned how it could mutilate one's personality, self-esteem, and suck the confidence out of the person to the last drop. I come from a college – no, I come from a place – where people are openly (read shamelessly) proud of their casteism, where people can scan a person's body and tell what caste they belong to, two seconds after seeing them. I come from a place where people are kind to lower castes because they can be, not because they believe in equality. In a small city like that, lies my engineering college KLCE. Koneru Lakshmaiah College of Engineering. Some students called it Koneru Lakshmaiah Convent of Engineering for its rules like girls cannot be seen talking to boys, cannot bunk classes, need a permission slip from the HOD for half day leave etc. It is a dream college for many students who aspire to become engineers. They work hard to get in, and are heartbroken if they do not get a seat. Like a lot of my old friends, they stop talking to people (read reservation candidates) for “taking away” their seats and for forcing them to settle for a mechanical branch or CSE instead of the great grand ECE. To cope with this injustice, my college and a few other colleges, came up with a solution: “Put them (reserved category students) where they belong. Show them our power.” There were two groups in the engineering colleges in Vijayawada and Guntur. The “Chowdary Group” and the “Non Chowdary Group”. C-batch, NC-batch. Every caste that is not Chowdary including Brahmins fall in the NC-batch. I explode internally when I think of this concept. The C-batch doesn't mingle with anyone else. They are not supposed to. They have their private freshers’ and farewell parties at 5-star hotels because, well, C-batch. They carefully fall in love with the other Cs. They eagerly wait for movies of Balayya, Junior NTR, and every hero who is a C, to release, and collectively bunk college to watch the movies and make them a big hit. On the other hand, the NCs wait for Chiranjeevi, Pawan Kalyan, and Ram Charan’s movies to release. Cs like C heroes, and NCs like NC heroes. They sincerely believe it is their responsibility to help their gods shine. NCs have their parties in the college under the supervision of the department faculty. When an NC is seen talking to a C, they beat them up. They first warn the person though. But if the person continues to talk to the C despite the warning, they either disown the C, or target the NC for the rest of his/her college life. My cousin is a dancer and was getting popular in his college and he was beaten up after a warning. They told him he should never dance in the college. Can't blame them, he was a Dalit boy stealing their limelight. While the upper caste NCs don’t have much to lose, the Dalit NCs struggle to survive the eternal discrimination. How do they know what caste you belong to, you ask? The first day of the college is when they find out the caste and the class of each individual. How? Ragging, introductions in class where you are supposed to say your FULL name and what your father does (nobody cares about the mother). That's when they decide whether you fall in the C-batch or the NC-batch, or if you have used any reservation. Imagine being a girl, a half-Dalit, half-tribal girl who ended up in the college only because of her reservation. I was that girl. Though I had no idea what I was getting into, I dreaded joining there. Trust me, I paid a heavy price for it. When I got the seat, my parents were the happiest. I wasn't. Because, the discrimination had already started. A few of my close friends had stopped talking to me and a few expressed their opinions, like how it is easy for 'you people'. It didn't take me much time to understand I didn't belong there. A friend jokingly asked me if I am an ST - D (not the Sexually transmitted STD. The lowest sub category D). I don't think I have ever had any C friends. There was one girl who used to come to my place for sleepovers. I asked her why she didn't attend the C freshers’ party. She said she is not interested. Not because it is wrong. That answer pricked me, and that friendship didn't really last long. I come from a family that accepted all my friends including male friends since childhood. I never had to lie to my parents about my crushes or platonic male friends. I never had to pretend like I was talking to a girl when it was a boyfriend on the call. I never had to stand four feet away from the guy, looking at the ground while talking. This environment at home had given me a confidence the college couldn't handle. I instantly became a target for almost everyone in the college. I was slut shamed for not turning a casual ‘Hi’ down from a guy, the way a ‘Sanskari girl’ would do. They shamed me when an adult joke I secretly shared with my best friend accidentally became public. I was informed of the rumours about me that did the rounds of the college on a daily basis. They ranged from, “She would sleep with just about anyone,” to “she had an abortion.” It still blows my mind. I remember the day when a classmate spat on me when I was on my way to the canteen. Imagine an underserving slut of a girl walking around in the college with a couple of guys. I was that girl. I spent the first three years trying to understand the subjects, the backlogs, the hatred, the cat calling, and the constant slutshaming. I shivered every time I had to say my last name. I found different ways to fill Orkut and Facebook details without mentioning my name. Because, that would give away my caste and would bring more hatred and humiliation into my life. It took me 10 years after my B Tech to forgive myself for having used the caste reservation, and to embrace my identity. It took me my MA to be able to say, I am Pallavi Banothu, Lambadi, an ST. It took me three years after that to articulate the trauma. Saying'college was so much fun' is a privilege. Because, for most of us it is a nightmare that robbed us of our dignity and made us aware of how puny we are in the society. Pallavi Banothu has a Master of Performance Arts degree in theatre from the University of Hyderabad. She is currently a freelance theatre trainer, director, and actor. Views expressed are the author’s own.
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KCR on a mission to weed out corruption in his second stint as CM, will he succeed?

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Opinion
When political corruption is unchecked, and the state’s many anti-graft bodies are toothless, will government employees be inspired to stay clean?
Courtesy: PTI
In his first stint as the Chief Minister of Telangana, TRS founder Kalvakuntla Chandrasekhar Rao decided to keep government employees happy with doles. After all, they were crucial in the fight for a separate state for Telangana. But four months into his second term as the Chief Minister of India’s youngest state, KCR has decided to crack the whip on corruption in the administration. The Chief Minister has stated that the revenue and municipal administration and urban development departments are steeped in “stinking corruption” and called for an overhaul. The reason? While TRS had a strong showing in the Assembly Elections in the state, and hopes for a repeat performance in the just concluded Parliamentary Polls, Local Body Elections are a different ball game. The people at the grassroots are allegedly forced to grease the palms of revenue officials to get pattadar passbooks, income and caste certificates etc. Therefore, the ruling party may feel the heat of people’s angst in urban and rural areas if they don’t act on corruption – and fast. In fact, just six months before the Assembly elections, a survey report released by the Centre for Media Studies (CMS) ranked Telangana number 1 in corruption, beating its sibling state of Andhra Pradesh. Is KCR doing an NTR? In undivided Andhra Pradesh, the revenue department under the regime of the then Chief Minister NT Rama Rao of the Telugu Desam Party underwent reforms with replacement of five-tier structure by a four-tier one. The move made way for mandal system and abolition of village karaneekams (clerk/accountant) in 1985. NTR’s move to abolish the post of karaneekams triggered massive protests from those who had lost their inherited jobs. But it was well received by people at the village level as the move offered a lasting solution to end land disputes. While KCR has not made any specific comments so far on changes he intends to bring in the revenue department, will he take a leaf out of NTR’s book? Political corruption is the real problem But what could be KCR’s undoing is corruption outside of the administration that is an open secret Political analyst K Nageswar says that KCR is unlikely to succeed in his fight against corruption in the administration without checking political corruption. “Parties in the state are liberally fielding candidates with a wealthy background, and there are allegations of purchasing of votes for a high premium, setting a bad example for employees working in the government,” Nageswar says, citing the affidavits of several candidates from both ruling and opposition parties contesting the General Elections with assets up to Rs 1,000 crore. Toothless anti-graft agencies The government has constituted an army of agencies to check corruption in governance. Anti- Corruption Bureau (ACB), Vigilance and Enforcement Department (V&ED), Tribunal for Disciplinary Proceedings (TDP) and Lokayukta, to name a few. But the Lokayukta post has been lying vacant in the state for two years. A public interest litigation (PIL) was filed in the High Court seeking appointment of Lokayukta, but there appears to be no response from the government. The Tribunal for Disciplinary Proceedings is left without a judge to try the graft cases for over seven years. Responding to a petition filed by a Hyderabad-based watch group Forum for Good Governance under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, the government admitted that there are around 400 graft cases pending trial before the tribunal for want of a presiding officer. M Padmanabha Reddy of the Forum for Good Governance, speaking to this writer, describes the anti-graft talk of KCR as nothing but hypocrisy. Reddy, a retired Indian Forest Service (IFS) officer heading the forum, says an ‘alert note’ forwarded to various departments by the Vigilance and Enforcement Directorate seeking action against personnel found guilty of accepting bribes, went into cold storage. “The directorate in the note recommended disciplinary action against 120 employees in Revenue, 143 in the municipal administration and urban development, 90 in panchayat raj, 62 in Irrigation and Command Area Development and 73 in Agriculture and Cooperation department. With no progress in these cases, it shows the government’s lack of commitment to provide clean governance, as a result of which a sense of fear is missing in the official machinery,” Padmanabha Reddy says. Gali Nagaraja is a journalist with over three decades of experience, and has worked in senior positions in The Hindu, Times of India, Hindustan Times and The Hans India. Views expressed are the author's own.
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Extremism caused Sri Lanka blasts, a fractured government failed to stop it

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Opinion
Everything that has happened so far points not to ‘intelligence failure’ in Sri Lanka – but a failure of the nation’s political class.
Courtesy: Twitter
On April 23 at 4.30 pm, news broke that the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) had claimed responsibility for a series of suicide bombings that killed over 300 people – many of them attending Easter Sunday Mass in Sri Lanka. This came just a day after a Cabinet press briefing, when Sri Lankan government spokesman Rajitha Senaratne named National Thowheed Jama’at as the organisation behind the attacks – a small fringe group that does not enjoy widespread support. The State Minister for Defence, Ruwan Wijewardene has since clarified that the group responsible is a splinter group that had left the National Tawheed Jama'at. Senaratne had added that the suicide bombers were “all locals” but that there was the possibility of “an international network without which these attacks could not have succeeded.” This development raises several questions: What is the degree of ISIS involvement, given the delay in issuing the claim? Why did the State Minister of Defence, Ruwan Wijewardene, claim that the attack was a reaction to the Christchurch mosque killings in New Zealand – though there has been no evidence to support this claim? Did the National Thowheed Jama'at get support from ISIS to carry out the attacks? But the larger question really is – why did officials not act on intelligence inputs that were received two weeks prior to the attacks? In an interview to Smita Sharma, Consulting Executive Editor of TV9 Bhartvarsh, Sri Lankan Economic Affairs Minister Harsha De Silva said, “About the incident where the information was available and not being acted upon, this is a colossal failure of the implementing agencies within the defence establishment. The intelligence people did their jobs. We had the intelligence. They had cooperation from foreign countries. They got the warnings out. What was the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, what was the Inspector General of Police doing with this information? Why on earth did they not bring this information to the attention of the Prime Minister, given the President was overseas?” And that is the crux of the problem. Sri Lanka did not face an intelligence failure, as much a failure of the bickering political class that has led to the loss of 359 lives at last count. The political situation in Sri Lanka In August 2015, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) saw a split following the General Elections in the country. While one faction, led by current President Maithripala Sirisena, decided to sign an MoU with United National Party (UNP), led by Ranil Wickremesinghe – the current Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. Another faction of SLFP, led by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa remained in opposition. However, in October last year, President Sirisena suddenly announced that his party was withdrawing from the coalition, and overnight, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa was sworn in as the Prime Minister. Read: Explainer: The overnight constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka The President’s ‘sacking’ of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was taken to court by the UNP, and the court ruled in Wickremesinghe’s favour. So while the status quo exists, tensions continue to brew between President Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, and the government of Sri Lanka is riddled with political squabbles. Politics over governance Since the political crisis of October 2018, neither Prime Minister Wickremesinghe nor State Minister of Defence Ruwan Wijewardene have been invited for Security Council meetings in the country, government spokesperson Rajitha Senaratne revealed recently. Even after the attacks, when Wickremesinghe had tried to call for a Security Council meeting, he was initially refused, then kept waiting when he walked into the Ministry of Defence. The Defence Establishments seem to be working with the President, and the President refuses to work with the Prime Minister – and even after a terror attack has wreaked havoc in the country, the politicians don’t seem keen on putting together a united front for the safety of the country. Ethno-religious tensions in Sri Lanka The Easter Sunday attacks are a departure from more longstanding ethno-religious tensions in Sri Lanka. The Christian community, which comprises of both Sinhalese and Tamils, has come under attack in the past, in incidents ranging from intimidation to the destruction of property and assault. On April 14, a mob threw stones and firecrackers at the Methodist Prayer Centre in Kundichchaankulama, Anuradhapura. The Muslim community has also come under attack. Most recently in 2018, mobs targeted Muslim homes and places of worship. A 23-year-old died as a result. In 2014, in Aluthgama, four Muslims died after riots. These are just two of a number of incidents targeting the Muslim community in particular. Many of these attacks have been attributed to hardline Buddhist groups. Comparatively, there has been very little tension between Christians and Muslims in Sri Lanka. Tension between religious communities is relatively recent, compared to the divisions Sri Lanka sees along lines of ethnicity. The 30-year civil war pitted the State against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, but also led to enduring division between the majority Sinhala and minority Tamil communities. Given the fraught situation, there have already been a number of retaliatory incidents reported targeting the Muslim community in Chilaw and Mannar – although there were no casualties. Emergency, and powers of the President In the meantime, Sri Lanka declared a State of Emergency on April 22. Under a State of Emergency, the President is empowered to issue Emergency regulations, which will override any law apart from the Constitution. In March 2018, Sri Lanka declared a State of Emergency for the first time since 2011, in order to address the unfolding violence in Digana. Sri Lanka has been working to repeal anti-terror legislation, which has in the past been overly broad and led to arbitrary arrest and detention. The Army has sought police powers to search and arrest – a worrying development given Sri Lanka’s history of using such powers to silence critics of the regime, particularly from minority communities. Facebook, WhatsApp and Viber remain blocked in what the state says is a bid to cut down on misinformation and hate speech. Still, there continue to be persistent rumours spread via messaging, including around the poisoning of the water supply, which eventually had to be responded to by police. It has also hampered the flow of information for news organisations and for people trying to reach the affected. At this moment, of paramount importance is answering the question on why the government did not follow up on the intelligence received. President Sirisena is Minister of Defence and, during the political crisis, also brought the police under the Ministry of Defence’s purview. It is not yet clear why the reports, received two weeks, four days and even 10 minutes before the attack, merited no follow up action. Raisa Wickrematunge is Editor of Groundviews, a civic media initiative based in Sri Lanka. Views expressed are the author's own. 
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Why joining Shiv Sena is a deliberate political gambit by Priyanka Chaturvedi

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Opinion
An independent woman exercising political agency, autonomous from external constraints is such a rarity in India, it attracts scrutiny – where Shatrughan Sinha caused not a blink.
Women are all the chatter this 17th Lok Sabha elections. The electric female voter turnouts, surfeit of hype on women's representation from the BJP and Congress, and avant garde electoral feminisation of the BJD and TMC. Not to mention the persisting public discourse around Mayawati, Mamata, Priyanka, and now, Priyanka. Serving first as General Secretary of the Youth Congress from North-West Mumbai, and later elevated to the post of AICC Spokesperson, Priyanka Chaturvedi's face, tone, and tenor became synonymous with the Congress, even as she gathered a sizeable fan following. When she quit the INC on April 19 to join the Shiv Sena after nearly a decade in the grand old party, what followed was a deluge of predictable outrage from media and social media. Both yelled foul at the reversal of ideological positions. Shorn of coloured lenses, this actually reveals just how much of her political identity she had fused into her party positions, into her designated role, as would be expected of a superlative spokesperson. Indeed, the outrage only confirms just how convincing she was as a political communicator, with her audience.  Despite this success, she neither secured a Lok Sabha candidacy, nor a state level leadership role in the Congress. In more quotidian careers, the salesman switches from selling a product line of say, personal care products or home appliances, to regional responsibility in a career move towards running the company. Geography is gold in sales. So also in politics. Further, goons had disrupted her party press conference in Mathura in September 2018, broke into an all-out public brawl in the presence of media, and barged into her hotel room with rods and threatened her, and threatened her, abuses especially targeting her gender. She fought to get them suspended for six years, but just six months later, they were reinstated citing elections, without as much as an apology to her. And yet, Priyanka's move to the Shiv Sena has, predictably, raised a furore in the righteously indignant, as with most choices made by women, be they career or marital choices. Her choice is assessed through a prism of morality and virtue. Critics find it particularly hard to digest Shiv Sena as a destination, a party known for its miltancy. What is reality though is that there is never a 100% alignment of anyone with any party, and everywhere is a compromise. Viewed as a career path, this is a politically astute gambit by Priyanka. She knows well her strength: a bold national voice in politics. And in a party like Shiv Sena, she can fill the gap of grassroots connect. Shiv Sena as a party has been wanting to gentrify while still retaining their very native roots. They have also been attempting to foray into other states, somewhat unsuccessfully for a while now. This involves broadening their image, requiring both political communication and talent acquisition. Priyanka brings these assets in plenty. She is a national face, national voice, hails from UP, and yet a Mumbaikar to the core. What the Shiv Sena offers her is a strong regional platform for ground politics and base building; her next career stop. Beyond that, it is a governmental playing field at both city and state levels, an opportunity to craft policy and programs. Impactful change that earns her political currency is impossible as a spokesperson and she must get her hands dirty. A smaller and perhaps more wieldy party, where the scion overtly espouses the cause of women's representation, is one she could help feminize, and morph into a less militant, more inclusive avatar as its current biggest female leader. India is a country where compulsions of dynasty, circumstances, intrigue, and money, often dictate the political journey of individuals. An independent woman exercising political agency, autonomous from external constraints is such a rarity in India, it attracts scrutiny where Shatrughan Sinha caused not a blink. Maneka Gandhi ditched her natural alignment for the opposite, but due to forces in her personal life. Daggubati Purandeshwari switched ideological  allegiance but with little other choice due to the extraordinary political circumstances of her state that rendered the Congress non grata due to state division. Shaina NC complained and continues to patiently wait. Mamata Banerjee is the one that deliberately broke away, as a career choice, and forged her own mould. That was two decades ago. It is well known that lower level party functionaries change colours all the time. Worse, garden variety male party leaders shed skin willy nilly, continuing to accrue electoral gains and voter base support. Measured by who their rank and file leaders are, most parties are no longer distinguishable, so many men having defected back and forth seamlessly. Women in politics, though, especially lack autonomy in a chronically patriarchal party and social system. It strips them of choice and parcels them into anonymous retirement as Women's Wing chiefs, with a mere 8% or less fielded as candidates in state and national elections, on average. Priyanka though, has taken control of the reins of her career. That reeks of agency. She is the narrative in her political story. She is not the discourse as target of mealy mouthed male contestants or as a facade candidate to deflect from lacklustre electoral prospects, instead she is the narrative in her political story. As to whether that narrative can be lucid in a party like Shiv Sena, that is so far from her decade-long stated positions, remains to be seen. What is certain is that, as an independent female politician with no dynastic backing, she is pursuing career outcomes, not token roles. Priyanka Chaturvedi's political agency reflects perhaps the coming of age of the female politician. Tara Krishnaswamy is a co-founder of Shakti – Political Power to Women, and Citizens for Bengaluru. Views expressed are the author’s own.
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Opinion: Indian farmers need more than just empty schemes and promises

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Lok Sabha 2019
Amidst the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, are political parties working for the benefit of their biggest vote bank?
I remember when I first met 61-year-old Nachammal in April, 2017, sitting on the pavement at Jantar Mantar. She claimed she had been threatened by bank officials when she had been unable to pay off her Rs 3 lakh loan from a nationalised bank. ‘Why do you eat? Why do you wear clothes? Sell them. Sell your daughter but pay off the loan’ is what she heard from them. The interest and fine brought the overdue amount to Rs 7 lakh. She even sold her mangalsutra, but it was a pittance compared to the loan amount she was supposed to pay. “Bank officials threatened to grab my land,” she told me. Then there was 54-year-old Selvaraj. Scanty rainfall had turned his land barren. He felt that a loan of Rs 7 lakh from a nationalized bank in Trichy would bail him out of the situation, but to no avail. In 2015, he mortgaged his gold jewellery, but when he failed to return the amount, his jewellery was sold. “I am left with only two cows at home. Selling milk is the only source of income for us,” he said. In the last two years, there have been numerous farmer rallies and sit-ins at Jantar Mantar. Amidst the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, political parties seem to be in a race to promise the most schemes and sops for farmers, I wonder what Nachammal and Selvaraj would be thinking. Can their lives get any better, while they are staring at unpredictable weather patterns, illegal cultivation of banned genetically-modified crops and browbeating multinational corporations? It would appear that political parties have avoided taking a stand over certain recent developments that have shook farming communities across India. Bt Brinjal creeps in Take for instance the alleged illegal cultivation of Bt-Brinjal in Haryana. The banned, genetically-modified crop has crept surreptitiously into our food chain, while the authorities were napping. In 2010, the UPA government had declared a moratorium on the cultivation of the crop citing the toxic effects of Bt-Brinjal on human gastrointestinal tract. Haryana, a state with sizeable farming community, goes to vote on May 12 in the sixth phase of the Lok Sabha elections. The illegal cultivation of Bt-Brinjal should have become an election issue. The state and centre governments should have taken cognisance over the violations. But disappointingly, no political parties has taken up the issue. Bt-Brinjal developers claim that the crops reduce the use of chemical pesticides in the farms. But concern arises whenglaring examples of GM crops causing irreparable damage to the ecosystem arise. Bt-Cotton, for instance, a non-edible commercial crop deteriorates soil health and causes a number of allergies. In light of this example, can we be sure that Bt Brinjal is completely safe? Moreover, why do we even need Bt-Brinjal whtn India has more than 2,500 varieties of brinjal? PepsiCo’s blunder A few hundred kilometers from Haryana, in Sabarkantha district of Gujarat, US giant PepsiCo sued four farmers accusing them of infringing PepsiCo’s Intellectual Property Rights (IPR). The farmers dared to cultivate FL 2027 and FC5, Pepsico’s patented variety of potato used for manufacturing Lays potato chips. This is not the first time that PepsiCo has sued farmers. Last year, five farmers were slapped with an IPR infringement case asking for a compensation of Rs 20 lakh from each of them. This time, the compensation amount has gone up to Rs 1.05 crore, an astronomical amount.   The company’s action has invited a huge backlash from farmer groups. Farmers are free to grow, plant, exchange and sell patent-protected crops, including seeds under the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmer’s Rights Act, 2001. Realising its mistake, PepsiCo reportedly wants to settle the case now by asking farmers to either join their collaborative potato farming programme or sign an agreement that allows them to grow any variety of potato except FL 2017 and FC5. Gujarat’s Deputy Chief Minister Nitin Patel promised that he would back the farmers in this case. But will his actions be enough to ensure seed sovereignty for farmers and keep in check the corporate monopoly in the agricultural sector? Elections are underway, with three more phases to go. And it will be the duty of the new central and state governments to make sure that the rights of local communities and indigenous groups are not exploited in the name of development. Political parties must up the ante to woo farmers, their biggest vote bank. Both the major political parties, the Indian National Congress (INC) and Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP), have their plans in place. BJP talks about expanding its Pradhanmantri KISAN Samman Nidhi Yojna to medium and big farmers and Congress promises to propose a separate budget for farmers. BJP says it will inject Rs 25 lakh crore to the agriculture sector to boost productivity, while Congress proposes a National Commission on Agricultural Development and Planning. But to win over the farming communities, political parties must ensure that they will safeguard their rights over the farms and the produce. Elephant in the room Marred by debts, the farmer in India will not be wooed by empty promises. And let’s not forget the elephant in the room -- climate change, the issue that political parties shy away from. In an agrarian economy like India, which is highly dependent on monsoons for irrigation, we simply cannot afford to overlook climate change. In the next ten years, India will witness frequent bouts of heat waves, droughts and floods. And who bears the brunt? The Indian farmer. Several environmental organisations have written to various national and regional political parties to address climate change and other environmental issues. Most parties accommodated policies on clean air, water, renewables and green cover. But environmental issues still haven’t found space in the political discussions, despite the fact that these issues directly concern farmers.
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Spoilers: Making people angry since Victorian times

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Opinion
Twitter and Facebook have become no-go areas for those yet to watch the lastest GoT or Avengers instalment, while various guides are offering help on how to live “spoiler-free” online.
James Green, University of Exeter It’s fair to say that with the release of the latest series of HBO’s Game of Thrones and another instalment from Marvel’s Cinematic Universe, Avengers: Endgame, the “spoiler” has never had so much power. Twitter and Facebook have become no-go areas for those yet to watch them, while various guides are offering help on how to live “spoiler-free” online. In the “real world”, someone’s attempts to leak the conclusion to Endgame outside a Hong Kong cinema reportedly led to them being attacked. Spoiler culture and “spoiler-phobia” seem like a unique creation of the internet age: a combination of mass audiences, rapid dissemination of information and popular entertainment being released in episodic formats. But these are, in fact, issues that originated with the media of the 19th century. Our Victorian forebears wouldn’t have called them “spoilers”, but they were often as conscious as we are that the joys of watching or reading fiction can depend on not knowing what’s to come. The Woman in White The novelist Wilkie Collins had always been eclipsed by Charles Dickens, his friend and colleague, until The Woman in White began to be published as a serial from November 1859. The novel – an exhilarating mixture of intrigue, madness and crime – was not only “sensational” in terms of its contents, but also in its public reception. People queued outside the publisher’s offices for the next instalment and placed bets on the “secret” of its antagonist. Meanwhile perfumes and dances were named after it and William Gladstone, then the UK’s chancellor of the exchequer (as we know, he went on to serve four terms as prime minister) cancelled a theatre visit so he could catch up with the newest developments. Having been released in weekly instalments for more than ten months, The Woman in White was eventually published in a collected, three-volume format in 1860. To the critics who would soon review the book, Collins cautioned against revealing its plot: [if] he [the critic] tells it at all, in any way whatever, is he doing a service to the reader, by destroying, beforehand, two main elements in the attraction of all stories – the interest of curiosity, and the excitement of surprise? Nowadays, when we’re used to seeing studios and creators go to often extreme lengths to stop audiences and the media revealing details about their work, it’s difficult to appreciate just how curious Collins’s request was – how could a plot-heavy novel be discussed without giving away its contents? Sensational: The Woman in White. Surprisingly, most critics accepted it. The Examiner, a weekly periodical, struggled not to divulge anything, but fully admitted that “giving hints of [the] plot … would impair its interest for readers … yet to make its acquaintance”. Meanwhile, even though another paper, the Saturday Review, disliked the novel, their reviewer thought it would be “unfair to the story” to reveal details. So the critic came to a compromise: [we hope] there is no objection to an occasional hint, a dark allusion … to this mystery of mysteries, the [plot of] the Woman in White. It’s not quite what we’d recognise today as a “spoiler-free” review, but this was new territory for the Victorian reviews and their readers. The first spoiler? Other authors followed the example Collins set. Mary Elizabeth Braddon had found huge success with her 1862 novel Lady Audley’s Secret, which revolved around mistaken identities and past crimes. She knew that much of the power of her follow-up novel, Henry Dunbar, could be spoiled if reviewers gave away a “secret” that occurs in the final pages – she therefore asked them “not to describe the plot”. Cover of an edition of Lady Audley’s Secret (pre-1900). But critics gave a mixed response this time. Many questioned whether a novel that could be spoiled was worth reading – and whether revealing details in this way really did have a negative effect on the reading experience. The Examiner asked how a novel’s plot is “to be at the same time concealed and criticised?”. In any case, they went on to say, readers could easily guess the secret of Henry Dunbar before it was disclosed – what was the fuss? The Times went even further: the pleasures of these novels don’t depend on “ignorance” of their endings, the reviewer said, and readers were just as content to see how their plots unfolded. Nevertheless, Collins and Braddon seem to have won out. An 1871 contributor to the Saturday Review confessed that although they found suspense unpleasant they were not “the majority of novel-readers”, for whom the “anxiety to discover the end” was a valued aspect of fiction. Fifteen years later, we find arguably the first mention of a “spoiler” in print. The Graphic, a weekly illustrated newspaper, began its evaluation of the (deliciously titled) novel Doable Cunning with the following remark: We shall avoid spoiling the effect by giving the least hint of its plot, the interest of which depends altogether upon the reader’s coming to it with complete freshness and openness of mind. Even if the stakes seem higher today – when billions of dollars are invested in certain entertainment franchises, and series can unfold over many years – it is comforting to find that modern audiences are far from alone in thinking that the enjoyment of fiction can depend on not knowing everything in advance. James Green, PhD Researcher in English Literature, University of Exeter This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Are our schools prepared to tackle an asthma emergency?

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Opinion
This World Asthma Day, we talk about the public health threat asthma poses especially among school children, and importance of training school management and faculties in tackling any emergencies.
File photo: PTI
I am a Pulmonologist and the Founder of Huma Lung Foundation in Chennai. Over the years, I have been witnessing a steady rise in respiratory illnesses among people in the city. Based on the number of patients I have been treating, I would estimate that the incidence of respiratory illnesses, particularly asthma, in Chennai has at least doubled in the last five years or so. The newest asthmatics here also happen to be the youngest, as childhood asthma is a fast emerging threat. Asthma is a condition in which air passages in the lungs become inflamed, swollen and narrow and produce extra mucus, hence reducing the flow of air in and out of the lungs, resulting in breathing difficulty that can range from mild to life threatening. The disease is characterized by recurrent attacks of breathlessness and wheezing, which vary in severity and frequency from person to person. In an individual, they may occur from hour to hour and day to day, for years on end. Asthma is a public health problem and according to the World Health Organization 10-15% of global asthmatic population is in India. The factors that increase risk of developing asthma is exposure to indoor and outdoor pollution. With air pollution on the rise in India, we are bound to see more and more cases of respiratory illness – particularly asthma, in the population especially among the youngest members of our society, the children and young adults. Asthma cannot be cured but can be managed or controlled, and if not responded to properly, asthma may even cause death. Last year during the preparations for the World Asthma Day, my colleagues at Lung Care Foundationin Delhi stumbled upon the issue of lack of asthma management in schools. Though there is a lot of content available that informs about the basics of asthma, there was hardly any content or standardized handbook available on how does one deal with an asthma emergency. Further research informed the team that there have been cases where lack of quick guidance of response during an asthma emergency has led to death of children in schools. This led to discussions and deliberations and eventually the production of Asthma Manual for Schools.  The manual is first of its kind comprehensive document on understanding and managing asthma crisis. It's a toolkit to equip health officers, administrators and staff at school to deal with such emergencies. What information does the Asthma Manual for Schools have?  The Asthma Manual is divided into 2 sections. The first sections explain Asthma; it’s triggers, symptoms and various medication. A Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) answering common myths related to Asthma follows this. Section 2 contains the steps that schools can take to be prepared for an Asthma Emergency. An Asthma Evaluation form follows this section, that each student can get filled from their treating doctor and a checklist for schools to check their preparedness for Asthma Emergencies.  Who should read the Asthma Manual for Schools?  The manual must be read and implemented by the health coordinators of the schools and senior administrators. The manual is written in simple language and easy to understand format and it will be beneficial for all schoolteachers to read the manual and be aware about Asthma. While the manual is made with schools in reference, the manual is applicable and beneficial for any institution/ hotel/ college/ university and even individuals. Who compiled the Asthma Manual for Schools?  Asthma Manual for Schools in an initiative of Lung Care Foundation, a not for profit organization. The manual has been compiled with the help of a team of leading pulmonologist and pediatricians from around India. Huma Lung Foundation did the Tamil translation of the manual.  Is the Asthma Manual available in other languages?  The asthma manual for schools is available in English and 11 Indian languages including Hindi, Marathi, Tamil, Kannada, Gujarati, Bangla, Malayalam, Punjabi, Telugu, Odia.  While we work towards a clean air campaign in our schools, neighbourhoods, cities and the across the country, pushing our governments towards implementing plans that guarantee each citizen the right of clean air, we also need to be prepared to deal with the effects of pollution and protect our children and ourselves.  Asthma Manual for Schools is one such tool that helps us understand the seriousness of the problem and equips us to respond to a crisis. With appropriate training and response, lives can be saved. We also hope that this manual will also help schools, children and parents understand and introspect on the sources of air pollution that is causing this silent epidemic and help them do their bit to curb air pollution.  Asthma Manual for Schools can be downloaded from: http://lcf.org.in/asthma-management-manual-for-schools/ For more information on Air Pollution and health effects please visit www.humalungfoundation.com
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Narendra Modi’s performance on the Indian economy — 5 key policies assessed

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Opinion
The Modi government made little headway in providing the jobs that India’s aspirational youth so desperately seek.
Kunal Sen, University of Manchester When Narendra Modi became India’s prime minister in spring 2014 the Indian economy was in the doldrums. There was a clear policy paralysis in India’s central government, in large part due to the high profile corruption cases that involved the central government bureaucracy and politicians at the time. Modi promised Indians that “acche din” (good days) were coming. And there was expectation that the Indian economy would do well under a pro-business political regime, headed by a politician known for acting strongly and decisively. Modi has had mixed successes in delivering on his promises. Here’s a breakdown of some of Modi’s key policies and how he has performed. 1. Demonetisation India’s economic growth has not recovered to the high levels that were witnessed in the first decade of the 2000s. One important reason for the slow recovery was to do with the Modi government’s demonetisation policy. On November 8 2016, the government withdrew all 500 and 1000 rupee notes from circulation, announcing the issuance of new 500 and 2,000 rupee banknotes in exchange for the now-defunct old ones. The aim of demonetisation was to deal a death blow to the black economy by reducing the perceived use of illicit cash to fund terrorism and illegal activities. Instead, the policy led to a contraction of the Indian economy, and economic growth slowed down to a four-year low in 2018. Further, by 2018, around 99% of the bank notes that were made invalid had been deposited with the banking system, suggesting that a large proportion of the 500 and 1000 rupee notes in circulation were not counterfeit notes or black money, as the government thought. Thus, demonetisation led to a large economic loss without any clear benefits in terms of reducing the role of the black economy or corruption. 2. Goods and services tax (GST) The Modi government’s second bold policy step was to launch the goods and services tax (GST) in July 2017. The aim of the GST policy was to create a common market in India, as opposed to the many different sales taxes that existed in different Indian states. The initial effect of the introduction of the GST was negative on the economy. This was especially the case for India’s large informal sector – which employs the vast majority of people outside of agriculture. The initial implementation of the GST was not handled well – small businesses in particular were confused about onerous reporting requirements, which placed a large compliance burden on them. At the same time, the GST policy could be seen as one of the most important policy initiatives since the country’s landmark 1991 economic reforms and as the one of the most significant constitutional innovations since 1950. While the initial effect of the GST policy on the Indian economy was a negative shock, the long-term impact is likely to be strongly positive. 3. Delivery of public goods Modi delivered on a large number of important public goods schemes, which built on the initiatives of the previous government. For example, toilet coverage in rural India increased from 47% of all households in 2015 to 74% in 2017, in large part due to the Modi government’s sanitation programme. As part of the Pradhan Mantri Awaz Yojana initiative, the number of rural houses built increased threefold from 2014 to 2016. There was also a large push on rural electrification to ensure all villages had an electricity connection by 2018. 4. Agriculture Around 50-60% of India’s population have some form of economic reliance on agriculture. This sector has experienced a prolonged period of decline in rural incomes since 2011, leading to what may has been termed an agrarian crisis. While the roots of this crisis are deep seated, it could also be attributed to the Modi government’s reluctance to increase minimum support prices for staple crops such as rice, wheat and pulses – something he promised to do in his 2014 campaign. This would have prevented the return of food price inflation, which was a major source of discontent with the previous government. 5. Jobs Perhaps the most disappointing feature of the Modi government has been its lack of success in creating jobs for the large proportion of India’s labour force who are unskilled and poor. Unemployment rose to a 45-year high, according to a leaked report from India’s National Sample Survey Organisation. The Modi government’s weak record in job creation was particularly surprising, given its original intention to rejuvenate the manufacturing sector as a source of job creation, with the much-heralded Make in India programme. Here, as in the case of agriculture, the roots of India’s manufacturing malaise run deep. They can be linked to India’s inability to foster the kind of labour-intensive industrialisation that has taken place in China and other East Asian countries. The reasons for why this has been the case is complex, and can be linked to the low levels of skills among India’s workers, poor infrastructure and India’s antiquated labour laws. But, for all its reformist credentials, the Modi government made little headway in providing the jobs that India’s aspirational youth so desperately seek. This could prove crucial in the country’s 2019 national elections. Kunal Sen, Director, UNU-WIDER and Professor of Development Economics, University of Manchester This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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Is Karnataka’s feudal region ready to elect two women candidates?

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Lok Sabha 2019
Lok Sabha constituencies Vijayapura and Bagalkote both have women candidates standing for elections on the Congress-JD(S) ticket.
For the first time in history, the most feudal part of Karnataka -- the twin districts and Lok Sabha constituencies of Vijayapura and Bagalkote -- both have women candidates standing for Parliament elections from the Congress-JD(S) combine. Vijayapura (erstwhile Bijapur) had a woman candidate from the Congress once earlier -- Laxmibai Basagondappa Gudadinni -- in 1999, who lost. But Bagalkote Lok Sabha has never had a woman candidate before. The Congress fielded Bagalkote zilla panchayat chairperson, Veena Kashappanavar, wife of its former Hungund MLA Vijayanand, while the JD(S) candidate Sunitha Chavan is the wife of Nagthan MLA Devanand, continuing the hold of these political families in the region. These two districts are the strongholds of the politically and numerically powerful Lingayats and are represented mainly by them. Since 2009, however, Vijayapura became a reserved constituency and has been held by BJP’s Ramesh Jigajinagi, one of former Chief Minister Ramakrishna Hegde’s closest followers. The contests this time in both constituencies is intriguing and close, giving the women a fighting chance at becoming the region’s first non-male representatives in the Lok Sabha. The BJP, which has held the seat from 1999, is a divided house as Jigajinagi and his predecessor, Basanagouda Patil Yatnal -- who was a minister in the Vajpayee government -- have had public spats and are unhappy with each other. Yatnal, known as “Yatnal Goudru” in this region, belongs to the numerically-strong Panchamsaali sub-sect of the Lingayats and is also currently the BJP’s MLA from Vijayapura city. The Congress has two ministers in the state government from this district -- Home Minister M B Patil, who was Vijayapura’s MP in 1998  and Health Minister Shivanand Patil -- and an MLA, while the JD(S) has two MLAs. BJP has three MLAs including Yatnal. On paper, the combined might of the Congress and the JD(S) is certainly superior to the BJP and given the infighting in the saffron party, Sunitha Chavan appears to have more than a good chance of winning. The constituency also has a substantial population of Muslims, whose support the alliance is banking on, even if the Dalit vote splits both ways. Sunitha Chavan’s real problem, however,  is the differences between the alliance partners themselves.  Both the Congress ministers in the coalition state government not only have problems with each other, but were strongly in favour of this seat being fought by their party and not given to the JD(S). Sunitha Chavan is a complete political novice and there is heartburn even within the JD(S) that she has been given the ticket, while Congress workers are disgruntled that they have to support her rather than their own candidate. The Congress has played a smart caste game in the region with the candidature of Veena Kashappanavar in the neighbouring Bagalkote. Till now, the Congress kept giving party tickets in the region to either an Other Backward Caste Kuruba or a Reddy-Lingayat, another sub-caste of the Lingayats, who have always held power vastly disproportionate with their numerical strength. It caused displeasure among other Lingayat sub-castes, particularly the Panchamsaalis, who are the biggest sub-sect. Like Yatnal Goudru in Vijayapura, Veena’s husband Vijayanand and late father-in-law S R Kashappanavar, a minister in the SM Krishna state government of 1999-2004, have been prominent leaders of the Panchamsaali sub-sect. With her candidature, the Congress is finally acknowledging the importance of that sect by giving a Lok Sabha ticket to them. This can benefit the party not only in Bagalkote, but in most of North Karnataka. The arithmetic in Bagalkote, however, is totally in favour of sitting BJP MP P C Gaddigoudar, who belongs to the powerful Ganiga sub-caste of the Lingayats. The Ganigas are Karnataka’s equivalent of the Teli community that Prime Minister Narendra Modi belongs to and this region is one of the BJP’s strongholds. The Congress lost its Ganiga leader, the late former MP Siddu Nyamgouda, immediately after the 2018 elections, when he won the Jamkhandi assembly seat in this Lok Sabha constituency and also helped former Chief Minister Siddaramaiah win the neighbouring Badami assembly seat. Nyamgouda’s son Anand is now the Jamkhandi  MLA but he and Siddaramaiah are the only MLAs the alliance has in this constituency. All the remaining six seats are held by the BJP. Perceptions, however, are not as simple as arithmetic. Bagalkote has a substantial population of Kurubas, the community that Siddaramaiah belongs to, as well as Panchamsaalis. The calculations of the Congress-JD(S) combine is that if their party workers cooperate and fight this election together -- the divisions are not as harsh as in some of the other constituencies -- Veena Kashappannavar might just be able to pull it off, just like Sunitha Chavan might, despite the outright misogyny that the region is known for.   Views expressed are the author's own. Sowmya Aji is a political journalist who has covered Karnataka for 26 years.
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Why wooing Christians in Kerala will be unavoidable for the BJP

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Opinion
The only option before the BJP to beat its stagnation in the state is to polarise the remaining voters: the minority block, that’s about 45% of Kerala’s population.
Whether it’s true or not, the media in Kerala reported last week that a wing of the BJP would form a collective to protect Christians in the state in the wake of the Sri Lankan church blasts. Local TV news channels made it a talking point on their prime time shows, while on social media it triggered many derisive memes even as the BJP refused to officially confirm the news. But why Christians? That’s where the answer to BJP’s future growth in the state lies. The biggest stumbling block for the party’s electoral prospects in the state, unlike in the Hindi heartland, is its demography. Its traditional strategy of polarising Hindu votes will not work in Kerala because the state doesn’t have enough free and fence-sitting Hindus who can be motivated to side with the BJP. Only a little more than half the population of the state are Hindus, and wooing a majority of them, that too when their political interests are historically polarised between the Congress-led UDF and the CPI(M)-led LDF, is impossible. All that the party would be able to manage, even in the best case scenario, will be about 20%, that too in places where both the religious composition and political climate are in their favour. In a few places, they may get close to victory because of certain extenuating circumstances such as Sabarimala. Therefore, the only option before the BJP to beat its stagnation in the state is to polarise the remaining voters: the minority block, that’s about 45% of Kerala’s population. Ideally, it should be the Muslims, because they have more numbers and account for about 27% of the population; but obviously, that’s not going to work for BJP. And so, the only option left is Christians, who account for about 17% of the population. Raising the total catchment of voters from about 55% to 72% (Hindus and Christians together) alters the situation dramatically. Even half of this catchment could help them win in three-cornered contests that have become the standard in most parts of the state now. The BJP and a lot of others believe that Christians, particularly Syrian Christians who constitute the majority, are not averse to the BJP’s ideology, and are possibly vulnerable to the allure of political endowments. There are many reasons for this, one of which is that they also carry with them the same caste-based elitism that’s associated with Hindus. They are considered to be upper caste Hindu converts, and the RSS itself in the past has asked Muslims to “learn from them” on how to adapt to the state’s cultural milieu, a euphemism for Hindu cultural practices. Many Syrian Christian denominations carry the vestige of the upper caste Hindu cultural identity. As a minority-community, they are not on the forefront of the fight against the BJP, unlike in other parts of the state, because the aetiology and evolution of their religious belief is different. However, what makes the BJP assume that the Christians could be on their side is that the latter are not overly fond of Muslims, and that they are less vehement against Narendra Modi. No major church head has spoken against Modi and the BJP, although all of them are not averse to making politically loaded statements otherwise. However, with regard to Muslims, they appear to have been on the same page with the BJP on issues such as “Love Jihad”. Moreover, Christian political leaders keep joining the BJP or the NDA from time to time, and BJP leaders miss no opportunity to get friendly with the church. Unlike in the past when the BJP looked at both Christians and Muslims through the same lens, and even organised campaigns against the former, of late, the party has chosen to target only the latter. With the “Christian Protection Force,” it’s building on this existing friendship and is making the final move. Will it work? It’s hard to tell, but one cannot rule it out completely. If there are sufficient sops and major political gains such as a share of the power, part of the Christian block may succumb because their party – the Kerala Congress and its various factions – has never been ideologically stable. It has always stayed with, or leaned towards, those in power. Traditionally, Kerala Congress, that often breaks up and reunites partly for the convenience of opportunistic alliances, has been part of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), but never shied away from the CPI(M)-led LDF, either completely or partly. Till some time back, either one part or a vestige of the party was with the LDF while the main body was with the UDF. The aim has been to protect the interests of the community, and the leaders have had no qualms in admitting it. Even during the previous UDF regime, the Kerala Congress was actively lured by the CPI(M) and it almost appeared that it might cross over, until the efforts were torpedoed by corruption cases. There were even speculations about backchannel negotiations with the BJP because its relationship with the UDF had strained owing to corruption cases. Interestingly, the reported move also brings the BJP on the same side as the CPI(M) in terms of political strategy. The CPI(M) had been trying to polarise the minority votes to weaken the UDF, because the minorities are considered to be its core-voters. The CPI(M) has been actively promoting a direct contest between itself and the BJP, thinking that it would deplete the Hindu votes of the Congress, as it happened in many parts of the country, and keep it in perpetual power. It did work in the 2014 elections with Congress losing seats where BJP raised its vote share substantially, however the minority consolidation in 2019 is projected to help the Congress and the UDF offset the loss of Hindu votes. To sink the Congress and the UDF, the CPI(M) has been trying hard to break both the Christian and Muslim votes and bring a part of them to its camp. The UDF needs to be extremely vigilant and respond strategically to protect its vote-share. So far, the attack to its stable minority vote-base came only from the CPI(M), but now a more potent rival is on the prowl. If the Christian votes erode, both the Congress and the UDF will be in irreversible trouble. If the UDF loses its winnability, Muslims may migrate to the LDF. CPI(M) would be happy to see the BJP vote-share rising and even it being the party’s principal rival because that will edge the Congress out of the electoral equation. The author is a former journalist and UNDP Senior Adviser in Asia Pacific who is presently a writer based out of Chennai and Thiruvananthapuram. Views expressed are the author's own.
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Facebook's 'transparency' efforts hide key reasons for showing ads

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Facebook
It’s not obvious what information people most need to know about how they are targeted with ads. Facebook doesn’t claim to give complete explanations to users about why they’re seeing a particular ad.
By Oana Goga, Université Grenoble Alpes Facebook’s advertising platform was not built to help social media users understand who was targeting them with messages, or why. It is an extremely powerful system, which lets advertisers target specific users according to a detailed range of attributes. For example, in 2017, there were 3,100 people in Facebook’s database who lived in Idaho, were in long-distance relationships and were thinking about buying a minivan. That ability to microtarget specific messages at very particular groups of people can, however, let dishonest advertisers discriminate against minority groups or spread politically divisive misinformation. Governments and advocates in the U.S. and Europe, as well as elsewhere around the globe, have been pushing Facebook to make the inner workings of its advertising system clearer to the public. But as Congress continues to review ideas, it’s not yet clear how best to make these systems more transparent. It’s not even obvious what information people most need to know about how they are targeted with ads. I am part of a team of researchers investigating where risks come from in social media advertising platforms, and what transparency practices would reduce them. Analyzing Facebook ads In response to users’ and regulators’ concerns, Facebook recently introduced a “Why am I seeing this ad?” button that is supposed to provide users with an explanation for why they had been targeted with a particular ad. However, the only people who see Facebook ads are those that Facebook’s algorithms choose, based on advertisers’ chosen criteria. Without help from Facebook, the only way to audit advertisers and the ads they buy is to directly collect from actual users the ads they see in their timelines. To do this, my research group developed a free browser extension called AdAnalyst that users can install to anonymously collect data about the ads they see. More than 600 people shared their data with us, which allowed us to observe more than 50,000 advertisers and 235,000 ads from March 2017 to August 2018. We learned quite a bit about who advertises on Facebook, how they target their messages and how much information users can get about why they’re actually being shown specific ads. This is what Facebook says about why it displayed a specific ad. Oana Goga screenshot from Facebook.com Who are Facebook’s advertisers? Any Facebook user can become an advertiser in a matter of minutes and just five clicks. The company does not seek to verify a person’s identity, nor any involvement of a legitimate, registered business. Our AdAnalyst data revealed that just 36% of advertisers bother to get themselves verified. There is no way to truly identify the remaining 64%, so they can’t really be held accountable for what their ads might say. We also found that more than 10% of advertisers are news organizations, politicians, universities, and legal and financial firms, trying to promote nonmaterial services or spread particular messages. Efforts to determine if any of them are dishonest, spreading disinformation or racially targeting messages is much more difficult than, for instance, figuring out whether someone has falsely advertised a bicycle for sale. Very specific targeting We found that the most-targeted user interests were broad categories like “travel” and “food and drinks.” But a surprising amount of ads, 39%, were more specifically directed using keywords advertisers entered, for which Facebook suggested related interests and categories. For instance, an advertiser could type in “alcoholic” and get suggestions including “alcoholic beverages” – but also people interested in “Alcoholics Anonymous,” and users whom Facebook’s algorithms had identified as being part of a group called “adult children of alcoholics.” Facebook’s ad system suggests possible categories of users to target, including ones its algorithms have identified. Screenshot of Facebook.com In addition, we observed that 20% of advertisers use potentially invasive or opaque strategies to determine who sees their ads. For instance, 2% of advertisers targeted ads at specific users based on their personally identifying information, like email addresses or phone numbers, which they had collected elsewhere, perhaps from customer loyalty programs or online mailing lists. Another 2% used attributes from third-party data brokers to identify, for instance, “First-time homebuyers” or people who use “primarily cash.” A further 16% used a Facebook feature called Lookalike audiences to reach new users Facebook’s algorithms evaluate as being similar to users who had previously interacted with the business. A Russian troll operation bought this Facebook ad to inflame some Americans, and other ads to agitate other groups, including those with opposing views. U.S. House Intelligence Committee Malicious groups can – and do – use these features to target Facebook ads in dishonest and manipulative ways. The Russian troll farm called the Internet Research Agency, for instance, managed several Facebook accounts, including two that created ads for directly opposingmessages about the Black Lives Matter movement. Facebook explanations are thin, unclear Facebook doesn’t claim to give complete explanations to users about why they’re seeing a particular ad. Its messages often say things like “one reason you’re seeing this ad is,” “based on a combination of factors” and “there may be other reasons you’re seeing this ad.” To find out more details, we used our AdAnalyst tool to collect, from a set of volunteers, not only all the ads they received, but also the explanations Facebook offered for showing them those ads. In addition, we designed controlled ad campaigns specifically targeting our AdAnalyst volunteers, to compare Facebook’s explanations to the actual targeting parameters we chose. We found that Facebook’s ad explanations are incomplete in potentially worrying ways. For instance, we bought an ad whose primary targets were specific people, based on a list of emails we had collected from people willing to participate in our experiment. As secondary target criteria, we added “Photography” and “Facebook.” When users clicked on “Why am I seeing this ad?,” they learned only that they saw it because they are interested in Facebook, a characteristic they share with 1.3 billion other users. There was no mention of anything about their interest in photography, which they share with 659 million others. They saw no mention at all that we had targeted them specifically using their email address. Revealing the most common characteristic, rather than the most distinct – and not disclosing that a user was individually targeted – is not a particularly useful explanation. This practice deprives users of the full picture of how they were targeted with an ad message. Facebook founder and CEO Mark Zuckerberg has repeatedly promised his company will be more transparent about how it targets users with advertising. Advertisers can hide direct targeting In addition, advertisers may be able to hide evidence of controversial or discriminatory ad campaigns, or efforts that target characteristics people consider private, by adding a very prevalent attribute to their audience-targeting selection. For example, a person who wanted to target an ad at people with income below US$20,000 a year could conceal that intent by adding, as a secondary criterion, that they were “interested in Facebook” or “used a mobile phone” – massive groups that wouldn’t limit the advertising pool, but would more likely be mentioned in Facebook’s attempt to explain why any one person saw that ad. Our experiments also show that Facebook’s ad explanations sometimes offer reasons that were never specified by the advertiser. We instructed Facebook to send ads only to a set of people whose emails we had. Despite the fact that we selected no location, all of the corresponding ad explanations contained the following text: “There may be other reasons why you’re seeing this ad, including that [advertiser] wants to reach people ages 18 and older who live [in or near]” and then mentioned a location near that user – though we had specified no locations at all. If Facebook fills in its explanations with reasons advertisers never chose, its transparency efforts are even more misleading. To provide users with a more complete picture of who is targeting them and why, AdAnalyst shows aggregate statistics about advertisers targeting them and the characteristics of other users that received the same ads. We hope our tool will help users identify and avoid dishonest advertisers and their messages. Oana Goga Research scientist, Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS), Université Grenoble Alpes. Oana Goga receives funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR) and the Data Transparency Lab (DTL). Université Grenoble Alpes provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation FR. This article was originally published in the The Conversation. Read the original article here.
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When partisan politics appropriates a tribal woman’s hard work and determination

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Opinion
Attappady tribals deserve better than mere sloganeering focusing on the manipulated magnanimity of the Chief Minister and the opposition leader.
Chandrika with her mother Malli. Courtesy: Mathrubhumi
It became a morale-booster to hundreds of highly educated tribespeople of the backward Attappady region of Kerala, who remain either jobless or underemployed, when a woman graduate of the locality joined the state Home Department as a civil police officer. Named Chandrika, the woman graduate from Chindakki tribal settlement of the predominantly tribal region is incidentally the sister of Madhu, an intellectually disabled tribal youth who was mob lynched last year by the local settlers who accused him of theft. Chandrika had to appear for an interview for the post on February 23, 2018, when the body of Madhu was kept at the local government hospital for autopsy. Recruited along with 74 others from Wayanad, Malappuram, and Palakkad, Chandrika later completed the mandatory training at the police camp at Muttikulangara in Palakkad, and her passing out parade won large scale media attention on Wednesday. And although her recruitment had no connection with the beating to death of Madhu and the subsequent government interventions to enhance tribal living standards in the region known for poverty and malnutrition related deaths, Chandrika’s elevation as civil police officer became the subject of a large social media campaign involving pro-Left Democratic Front (LDF) cyber activists making it look like a major humanitarian gesture of Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan. Some of them even went to the extent of terming it an appointment on compassionate grounds. Upset over the way LDF’s cyber activists were gaining more grounds, social media handles of opposition UDF soon turned active on Facebook, terming the whole special recruitment initiative itself as the brainchild of former Kerala Home Minister and present opposition leader Ramesh Chennithala. Quoting the old orders, they said Chennithala had initiated the move, to ensure tribal cooperation in the anti-Maoist drives, mainly in Palakkad, Malappuram, and Wayanad districts. In the hectic debates that ensued, all of them conveniently forgot the fact that it was hard work and determination that helped Chandrika get such a job. They also forgot that no government agency in Kerala other than the Home Department has conducted a special recruitment drive for tribals in the recent past, despite the increasing number of professionals and post graduates among the tribals in the state. If tribal welfare was the sole motto, the government should have already conducted special recruitment of teachers, drivers, forest guards, and even gazette officers from among the tribals in the state. Kerala has seen only one tribal special recruitment and that had happened only because of the Maoist scare. Approaching the issue at the ground level, all talks of education as a tool to uplift the living situation and prospects of Attappady tribes people seem vain when one finds the number of highly educated youngsters in the community either jobless or in jobs that do not match their qualifications. Look at the findings of tribal voluntary organisation ‘Thambu’. At least 200 tribal youngsters with post graduation and above are now engaged in menial jobs in Attappady because of the lack of special recruitments. Whoever initiated it, it was a welcome relief that the government conducted a special recruitment of 74 tribal youngsters into the state police force. Though official efforts are now on to ensure more tribal representation in government services, the focus is more on youngsters who have completed school and Plus Two. There must be efforts to conduct special recruitment for tribes people with post graduation and above, and that is the need of both Attappady and Wayanad. Postgraduates and those with professional qualifications from the tribal community require immediate placements, as that would inspire many others to complete professional degrees. Look at the case of 36-year-old N Rangasamy, an Irula tribal of Sholayur in Attappady. Despite having a post graduation in Hindi along with an MPhil and a diploma in translation, he has been working as a guest lecturer for the last six years in different colleges, and that too with poor remuneration. After completing his post graduation, Rangasamy had cleared the National Eligibility Test (NET). But the additional qualification has also failed to ensure him a decent life and survival. His wife, 32-year-old Naveena, has an MSc in Botany apart from a BEd. Yet, she works as a temporary school teacher in the absence any direct recruitment Same is the case of 30-year-old PK Murukan of Kadukumanna, who belongs to a primitive tribal community, Kurumba. After passing BTech in Computer Science with high marks, Murukan worked for four years as a watchman of a tribal welfare project in Attappady. Now he holds the post of a temporary clerk at the local office of Integrated Tribal Development Project (ITDP). Yet another example is 28-year-old Unnikrishnan of Irula hamlet in Chindakki, who serves as a warden of a tribal hostel despite his qualification as a marine engineer. Hailing from low income families, these tribal youngsters are not in a position to obtain jobs in government-aided private institutions by paying huge ‘donations’ to the management. Even in the PSC examinations, they have to compete with candidates from privileged families with higher exposure. Education can be tribal empowerment only if it is supplemented with matching job opportunities. Attappady tribals deserve better than mere sloganeering focusing on the manipulated magnanimity of the Chief Minister and the opposition leader. KA Shaji is a south Indian journalist who regularly reports from the backward parts of the region and works in the areas of environmental protection, social advocacy, and grassroots level development. Views expressed are the author's own.
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Saffron sweep in Karnataka: The state has put aside differences to vote for Hindutva

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Opinion
While the rest of the South has been nearly immune to the Modi wave in India, there are multiple factors that have been in play for the sweep of Karnataka.
From 1996 to 2014, Karnataka used to be the state that consistently voted against the national trend. If the Congress came to power at the Centre, Karnataka would have voted for the Janata parties or for the BJP. If the BJP came to power, Karnataka would have voted Congress. In 2014, Karnataka joined the national bandwagon to vote for Narendra Modi. And 2019 has seen full integration, with the saffron party sweeping the state, leading to BJP winning an astonishing 25 of the state’s 28 LS seats with very narrow margins in Chamarajanagar (where the Congress’s Dalit strongman R Dhruvanarayan lost to his former mentor V Srinivas Prasad). While the rest of the South has been nearly immune to the Modi wave in India, there are multiple factors that have been in play for the sweep of Karnataka. Up until 2014, the BJP’s grip on the state was purely through caste - they had the support of the powerful Lingayat community in North Karnataka, which has voted in any strong anti-Congress party right from the early 1990s, thanks to a blunder by then Congress president Rajiv Gandhi. He announced the removal of the tallest Lingayat leader of that time, an ailing Veerendra Patil, from the post of Karnataka CM. Patil had failed to control riots in Davanagere over the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid issue following then BJP president LK Advani’s rath yatra in Karnataka. The Lingayat community was furious that Rajiv chose to do this without even giving Patil the courtesy of being informed directly. Rajiv casually told a couple of senior journalists at the Bengaluru airport that the CM would be changed and left for New Delhi. That mistake caused the Lingayat base to shift entirely to Patil’s close friend Ramakrishna Hegde of the Janata Party, who later moved with his party Lok Shakti to join hands with the BJP. Once Hegde, a Brahmin, lost political relevance, the Lingayats shifted lock, stock and barrel, to a man from their own community - BS Yeddyurappa of the BJP. And since then, as a Congress leader once put it, “A Lingayat who does not support the BJP is not a Lingayat at all.” The 2019 election, however, is not just this kettle of fish. For the first time in Karnataka, caste has not mattered at all. A state that is chock full of other backward castes and a huge number of SCs and STs has put aside all its caste differences to vote for Hindutva - the militant, polarizing form of Hinduism that Modi and BJP national president Amit Shah have perfected as a political weapon. The genesis can be traced to the same riots that caused Patil to lose his seat. The Congress response, then, has possibly also resulted in the Karnataka situation now. The Congress-JD(S) combine in Karnataka can blame itself for a lot of things. Some candidates were the wrong choices and there was a lack of coordination that could have been anticipated. But no politician or political analyst in Karnataka could have seen the cross-caste integration that Hindutva achieved in a state that has consistently called itself ‘tolerant, inclusive and secular.’ There have been no major riots in Karnataka for several decades, though the communal situation in Karnataka’s coast has been a matter of concern for the minority communities and the moderate Hindu there for quite some time. But as former CM Siddaramaiah said repeatedly during the 2018 assembly polls, “Karnataka is the land of Basavanna (whom the Lingayats consider as their patron saint) who preached tolerance and equality to all.” This perception clearly changes now, as the BJP and PM Modi’s election campaign had no fig leaves of economic or social development. It was an outright appeal to muscular Hindutva that has achieved unprecedented results. Even BJP leaders are stunned at the sweep the party has achieved. As a party leader put it, “The RSS which usually gets its poll numbers bang on target, told us we would increase our Karnataka tally from 17 to 18 or 20. But we did not anticipate getting 26 out of 28.” The rout of the Congress-JD(S) camp also suggests another point that has slipped under everyone’s radar. The people of Karnataka gave 104 seats to the BJP in the 2018 assembly elections against 80 to the Congress and 38 to the JD(S). The BJP could not form government as the other two joined hands, gaining them further public sympathy. Besides this, the alliance government performed way below par, with CM HD Kumaraswamy not living up to the enormous expectations that sympathy for him had generated. The Congress’s constant bickering led by former CM Siddaramaiah also did not help the cause of the combine. The last-minute papering of cracks between the alliance partners through joint campaigns failed to convince and even angered party workers and supporters in several constituencies. It also showed a clear pattern that triangular fights went against the BJP, but a two-party situation benefits them - another trend that has reflected the national one. Views expressed are the author's own.  Sowmya Aji is a political journalist who has covered Karnataka for 26 years.
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Why 37 dissenting voices from Tamil Nadu are equally important in Parliament

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Politics
There are arguments that cry hoarse about how the 37 seats have been ‘wasted’. For one, no voice will remain unheard as long as it is raised.
Ever since the results to the Lok Sabha polls came out, BJP’s State president Tamilisai Soundarrajan has been talking about how Tamil Nadu will soon regret its mandate. It, of course, comes with a rider: “The Centre will heed to the demands of the opposition, but from us, the demands would be easier met.” Voices about how Tamil Nadu will be made to ‘pay for its rebellion’ are not uncommon in social media and otherwise. And then there are arguments that cry hoarse about how the 37 seats have been ‘wasted’ and ‘not put to good use’ doing the rounds. For one, no voice will remain unheard as long as it is raised. Among the 37 members elected to represent Tamil Nadu, there are some fine minds. Thol Thirumavalavan, for example, combines with finesse his intellectual prowess with political leadership. There are writers among the 37. Thamizhachi Thangapandian has twenty books to her credit and thinks it is possible to continue her writing, given her efficiency in time management. A fine writer in Tamil Marxist tradition, Su Venkatesan has won a Sahitya Akademi for his debut novel Kaaval Kottam – an exhaustive document on the history of Madurai. His second novel Veerayuga Nayagan Velpari, serialised in Ananda Vikatan, gives a contemporary context to the life of Pari – a tribal chieftain from Sangam era. Almost single-handedly, Venkatesan brought the Keezhadi excavation to the limelight, putting it on the political map. Besides publishing a short story collection and a novel in Tamil, Jothimani has documented her experiences as a councillor to bring water to a locality populated by Dalits in her book Neer Pirakkum Mun, later translated into English as No Shortcut to Leadership. The book also speaks about Jothimani’s humble background and her struggle to become who she is today. Between polling and counting, D Ravikumar – now MP from Villupuram constituency – lost no time in his intellectual pursuit. Just two days before the results were announced, Ravikumar released two books – one on mythological Dalit icon Nandhan and another on Rajinikanth’s politics. Besides, Ravikumar is a poet, short story writer and an able translator. Known for her sensitive language, Kanimozhi has five books to her credit including essays and poems. As writers, they are known to speak their minds. Jothimani for example, took a stand against her party Congress’s decision to support the 10% reservation for the upper caste poor. Also in Tamil Nadu, federalism remains a central idea to the Dravidian ideology that has ruled the state for well over five decades. Tamil Nadu’s verdict in 2014 and in 2019 should be seen in the context of its fervent endorsement of the idea of federalism. The regional parties started gaining an upper hand in Lok Sabha elections since 1967 in Tamil Nadu, but it was not until 1989 that they were part of the cabinet -- barring Sathyavani Muthu, then with the AIADMK, who held a position in the short-lived cabinet of Charan Singh in 1979. Both the AIADMK, led by Jayalalithaa, and the DMK, have sought to protect their own spaces even when they were a part of the Union government. There have been occasions when the regional parties have expressed dissent when the Union government went against the interests of the state. The BJP today will certainly not need its foes to form the government, but with a clear mandate, it does not need its allies too. Tamilisai’s argument that the AIADMK and its allies, if elected, could have had their demands met better hardly holds any water given the recent history. Jayalalithaa had stiffly opposed many central schemes, including UDAY, NEET, and GST. The schemes that the people have been fighting against found its way into the state when she was hospitalised, much of it after compromises made by the state. To write off dissenting voices as ‘maladjusted minority’ that serves no purpose only because they dissent puts democracy in jeopardy. Dissenting voices shine a brighter light on the virtues of democracy. From Tamil Nadu, the voices are known to fight hard to ensure that the idea of India remains just that.  Kavitha Muralidharan is a journalist with two decades of experience, writing on politics, culture, literature and cinema. Views expressed are the author's own.
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More stardust: Dr Payal Tadvi was killed by a heartless, soulless system

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Opinion
Dr Payal Tadvi could not have broken this system. It has never in a thousand years seen her as equal and never will – for the next thousand.
Dr Payal Tadvi wasn’t just killed. She was mentally tortured, humiliated, abused, ostracised…and THEN she was killed. I wonder – what if Payal Tadvi’s murderers had not been from the social location that they are now in? What if they had come from her own community of Adivasi Muslims? What if they had been friends since childhood with other Payal Tadvis? What if they had shared meals together, played together, had similar crushes, lived in similar localities? What if their parents had taught them to respect others irrespective of caste, religion, colour or class? What if their parents had said, “No matter what, you cannot be cruel and hurtful to people you don’t understand or like.” What if the family celebrations had more than just their own narrow caste and class groups? What if their parents had said, “We want you to be a good human being. Success is secondary.” What if the people around Payal had objected to how she had been treated? What if they had challenged the murderers? What if they had lodged a complaint along with Payal, objecting to the treatment meted out to her? What if the violence and humiliation meted out to people like her was unacceptable to society? What if deaths such as hers were followed by protests and boycotts? What if deaths such as hers were not followed by a string of character assassinations of the dead along with desperate protestations of the virtues of the accused? What if laws against discrimination in schools and colleges and workplaces were strictly and unapologetically implemented? What if Payal’s family were influential and well connected? Would their daughter had been safer? Would her complaints have penetrated an unflinching wall of resistance? After her death, has anything or anyone changed? Maybe change happened to people from her own community and people ‘like’ her from the margins, struggling for everything, from money, education, healthcare, nutrition and more importantly, dignity. Maybe change happened to people ‘like’ her, who understand where she may have come from and where they themselves could be heading. However, the one community that has doggedly refused to change is the one her murderers come from. This group has no natural inbuilt mechanism of introspection, or a sense of right and wrong. The only prevailing and all encompassing sense is that of ‘pure’ unadulterated entitlement over every privilege and resource. Dr Payal Tadvi could not have broken this system. It is a heartless, soulless system without morals or compunctions. It sees people like her as aberrations, like a malignancy that has to be removed by poking, prodding, and disintegrating. It has never in a thousand years seen her as equal and never will – for the next thousand. When she died, a group of public health people expressed anguish and outrage and put out a heartfelt press release demanding that such deaths never happen. At the same time, there were mails on the same groups by two doctors who had never, ever spoken earlier. They described clearly the caste based harassment that they themselves had experienced. The response from the group? Silence. What is it about caste that make it so much more appealing after death? Is it because the dead don’t need any changes? They just need sympathy, sadness, mourning, and protests. The living need much more than that. What really changes after each death? No structure changes. No organisation bows its head in shame. No leaders make a call for reparations and atonement. Life, in fact, goes on as usual. Only people ‘like’ Payal become a little more fearful, wondering what is it about institutions that lead to suicide, and parents ‘like’ hers who feel at once elated and afraid about their children’s success. India has the baggage of a colonial allopathic health system, biased towards the urban elitist dominant caste and class patients. The irritations of the doctors against the poor are visible in small interactions – the impatience, the sarcasm, the humiliation, the lack of sensitivity, the deliberate inflicting of pain. I have seen patients being hit on the perineum during delivery because they haven’t ‘pushed’ hard enough. Patients who forget tablets or the correct dose or hospital cards are abused. There is a sense of entitlement over the patient, as though the patient who doesn’t understand a ‘simple instruction’ is not just sick but stupid. This ONLY changes if the patient has buying power. Then, the relationship changes to one of sickly sweetness and pretentious kindness. Often doctors get angry at criticism directed towards them. They project themselves as hard working, caring persons. When specific examples of bad behaviour by doctors are presented to them, they say, “All doctors are not like that,” or, “Don’t stigmatise all of us because of a few ‘bad apples’.” And that becomes an end in itself. It doesn’t lead to introspection. In India, during the five years of training that doctors receive, there is hardly any focus on ethics, primary health care, or social determinants of health. Most medical colleges, especially the burgeoning private colleges, have students from very elite backgrounds with quite some social capital. The idea that health is a social subject deeply connected with the social situation of the country is lost on these elite kids. It is almost impossible to expect them to understand, empathise or work with communities that have different trajectories from the urban elite. In this context, a Dr Payal Tadvi who dreamt of going back to set up a hospital in her Jalgaon, for her Tadvi Bhil community, cannot be replaced. In a country that is seeing innumerable sadistic lynchings and hate rapes of little children, these deaths are often forgotten quickly. Very little changes at the level of the structure or the system. The responses always tend towards blaming the victim – why weren’t you smarter, louder, cleaner, more knowledgeable, more adjusting? Why did you not complain? Why did you complain? Why didn’t you speak sooner? Why didn’t you speak later? Why did you write? Why didn’t you write? Why this? Why not that? It’s a bottomless pit that one is thrown into. Students from marginalised communities are not all poor. Some are extremely savvy, well read, smart, and also flaunt their wealth. But neither the well-off nor the poorly off are welcome into these insulated spaces. The only expectation from them is that they should disappear, and all efforts are made to, in reality, make them disappear from all spaces that the dominant groups inhabit. The hatred towards Muslims runs deep, with offensive Islamophobic comments from ‘well-respected’ doctors not being uncommon. The medical profession refuses to acknowledge its casteist, communal, Islamophobic, elitist status. No amount of external ‘regulation’ can control the private relationship that a doctor shares with a patient. I have overheard doctors telling emaciated HIV positive patients to stop eating meat and to eat only vegetables and fruits. This is not the science of medicine speaking, but religion, superimposed by caste. How does it seep in? Five years of medical education does nothing to address these deep rooted prejudices. They affect the treatments that patients receive and cannot be ignored as ‘personal beliefs’. Isn’t the need to address caste based discrimination so much more necessary in the medical profession? Don’t doctors need to have social qualities like kindness, compassion, caring, love, sympathy, empathy? Can medical colleges unleash doctors who practice blatant caste harassment – into the world where patients of all kinds and castes and religions seek medical care? All that remains now is the memory of the beautiful, smiling, incredibly meritorious Dr Payal Tadvi, lying dead on a cold post-mortem table – with the words justice, equality, and fraternity reverberating endless in the corridors of an empty, lonely morgue. Nothing much else has changed. The writer is a public health doctor and researcher, of inter-caste background, working on Right to Food and Right to Health, particularly of marginalised communities.
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Policy reform to deal with human trafficking: Will new govt at centre act?

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Human Trafficking
Now that the BJP government has returned to power, it has to deal with the demand for legal reform on human trafficking by many organisations and survivors’ groups.
Image for representation
In its last term between 2014 and 2018, the BJP government tried reforming the Indian law on human trafficking. The Ministry of Women and Child Development initiated drafting a comprehensive law, not just for sexual exploitation, but for all other purposes including trafficking for forced labour, organ trafficking and any form of servitude. The Bill was passed by the Lok Sabha amidst opposition from the Congress and several other parties who had concerns over the Bill being anti-migration, being oppressive towards consenting adult sex workers, and not having adequate safeguards to protect the people it claimed to serve. The Bill, however, was not tabled in the Rajya Sabha or in the Budget session despite being in listed several times. Unlike the Bill on Triple Talaaq, the government did not try to pass it as an ordinance either. There are speculations on whether the BJP having returned to power now will re-introduce the Bill in its current form or start the process afresh. The reason for not pushing the Bill aggressively through an ordinance, despite it having crossed the lengths through the Lok Sabha, are speculated by many. Some believe that there may have been doubts about passing a Bill that relied on institutional care approach in the wake of several incidents of exploitation of children and women in shelter homes across the country. Others believe that the critical questions around the feasibility of its implementation may have also seeded doubt in the minds of policy makers. Now that the government has returned to power, it has to deal with the demand for legal reform on human trafficking by several organisations and survivors’ groups across the country. There is also pressure from the Supreme Court of India that’s advising the government to reform the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, 1956, and to address concerns of sex workers and transgender people about its misuse and criminalisation of sex workers and trans persons. Discussion on New India has emerged in recent political debates during the recently concluded election campaigns in the country. Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke about inclusiveness in development being his agenda for the next five years of governance. People who are most vulnerable to, and victims of human trafficking, are Dalits, OBCs, Muslims; the rural and peri-urban poor; women, men, adolescents and children from socio-economically backward families. In less than a week since the election results were declared, in separate incidents, women, children and men have been rescued from bonded labour and sexual exploitation from Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi who were trafficked from other states and indentured into forced labour and sex work through debt bondage. The state response of rescue remains pitifully inadequate due to lack of appropriate rehabilitation measures. The criminal justice system’s approach to prosecution remains dismal as is evident from the poor success rates of prosecution in achieving convictions of the accused. The Nirbhaya Funds continue to be poorly accessible to survivors of trafficking to claim compensation. Victims of sex trafficking continue to be detained in closed institutions projected as rehabilitation homes. Survivors of trafficking continuing to protest these forms of incarceration that do nothing for their rehabilitation apart from the immediate post-rescue shelter and basic needs provision. Meanwhile, international aid continues to fund a few anti-trafficking organisations in cities running rescue operations and shelters, to whom the governments relegate the state responsibility towards victims without taking financial responsibility, and therefore are unable to enforce accountability. The trade of entrapping people with false promises of decent work, wages and labour continues to grow and flourish in the most impoverished districts of the country. Vulnerability of the landless and marginal farmers, women-headed families and children from dysfunctional families continues to grow. New India will demand equal partake for this huge section of people in its economic growth and development, social security and greater transparency and accountability of the bureaucracy, law enforcement and panchayats. Trafficking is one of the most complex crimes in India today. Despite the long-held political rhetoric about India being a victim of people smuggled and trafficked from across the borders, less than 2% of trafficked people come from its neighbouring countries Bangladesh and Nepal. The large majority are trafficked between and within Indian states due to distress migration, demand for cheap labour, and sexual exploitation of young people. The distress of economic and social divides manifest not only in human trafficking, but exploitation of all migrants in unorganised and semi-organised labour sectors. Even an organised sector like Tamil Nadu reports a marked increase from 5% to 35% in migrant women. Adolescent girls from Bihar, Jharkhand and north eastern states in the textile sector, wherein neither the labour department nor Whe Women and Child Development Ministries have set up monitoring systems to address their vulnerability to abuse and exploitation. A recent research in north east India found that construction projects initiated to strengthen India’s Look East policy, funded through external aid to the state governments, have no checks to prevent debt bondage or exploitation of labour, or children being recruited by contractors from Jharkhand, Odisha or other states. These cases are poorly reported and investigated due to lack of investment towards law enforcement and the criminal justice system to cope with demands that these cases require. For example, amongst the 220 odd anti-human trafficking units constituted across India under the directive of MHA since 2008, less than 12 of them are notified. Therefore, they are not resourced with dedicated officers for investigation of crimes. Human trafficking can neither be countered through a penal law alone nor by only making committees and creating SOPs. It needs accountability setting through monitoring and coordination, building systems to link inter-state mechanisms, building inter-state and centre-state systems of coordination. It all boils down to governments prioritising anti-trafficking measures, and therefore, investment into them. Will New India look at economic growth and increasing numbers of industrialist billionaires alone, or will it also measure its success through indicators of greater safety for its migrant workers, women and children as well? Will the people and parliamentarians in New India look for their pride in militaristic retaliations or will they, along with being mindful of national security, also prioritise justice delivery for victims of the country’s class exploitations against perpetrators who may be within their own ranks and file? Roop is a researcher, facilitator, and an activist, who works on issues of gender based violence and personal growth. He is a certified coach and a practitioner of behavioural sciences, and works with individuals, groups and organisations for growth and development. Views expressed are author's own.
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Opinion: Why TN needs to move beyond welfare-based approach to tackle child labour

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Opinion
Tamil Nadu has used a welfare approach through providing incentives for education, instead of striking at the root of the problem, which is the structure system of oppression.
PTI File photo
June 12 was celebrated around the globe as World Day Against Child Labour. But for 10 million children in India, it was like any other day of hardship and extreme work conditions. According to the 2011 Census, every 11th child in India is a child labourer. That’s a lot of children who are growing up in inhumane conditions. By working for 12-16 hours a day, not only are they being robbed of their childhood but they are also gearing up for an adult life full of medical issues, as most industries that employ child labourers are categorized as ‘hazardous’. In south India, Tamil Nadu employs among the highest number of child labourers. When the Indo-US Child Labour Project was concluded in the years leading to Census 2011, Tamil Nadu was the only south Indian state to be counted into the project’s overall objective of addressing child labour in ‘ten hazardous sectors’. Dr Krishnan of National Adivasi Solidarity Council states that there are 36 types of industries, including ‘hazardous’ industries, such as firecrackers, beedi and matchsticks, that employ children as cheap and compliant labourers in Tamil Nadu. Though there has been significant decline of child labourers and an increase in policy initiatives towards this issue, the problem is far from eradicated. One wonders, why do we still face this issue? Policy paralysis? Definitely. Corruption and red-tape? Possibly. The politics of child labour in Tamil Nadu is still stuck in a welfare approach through providing incentives for education, instead of striking at the root of the problem, which is the structural system of oppression, inevitably linked with class and caste dynamics. Incentive-based approach The National Child Labour Project (NCLP) is a nationwide holistic approach that involves various departments and officers of the district, state and central government working towards a single objective – elimination of child labour. Children are systematically identified, removed from their work and integrated into mainstream education through bridge schools, receiving non-formal education and vocational training. Enrolled children benefit through mid-day meal schemes, free uniforms, free bus passes and have access to healthcare facilities. Additionally, each child receives a stipend of Rs 150 per month as an incentive to continue staying in school. Experts agree that NCLP is by far the best plan for eliminating child labour. In Tamil Nadu itself, NCLP functions through 17 districts. For any policy to be effective, one has to consider the demand side’s thinking: Why industries create lucrative opportunities to obtain cheap labour and why families of child labourers embrace such opportunities with open arms. For the problem of child labour, apart from poverty, the curse of their own nimble fingers is the other prominent reason making millions of children work in hazardous environments. Small fingers can deftly roll up a beedi or quickly place sticks in trays to turn into matchsticks. Put together, child labourers of such industries fuel India’s huge market of firecrackers and cheap beedi smoking that thrives on local and home-based businesses. Sure, one can provide vocational training for adolescents and assist in finding income generation opportunities for families to address the root problem of poverty. The stipend of Rs 40 to Rs 60 per child per month is geared towards this intention, says Dr Krishnan. However, every child who is put up for work earns anywhere between Rs 40 to Rs 60 per day, depending upon the type of industry and the generosity of their agents. Families favour a daily income more than the monthly stipend, especially if that stipend is locked away in a bank account made for the child. Furthermore, we are misguided to believe that spending Rs 4000 a month for an educational or vocational instructor for bridge schools under the NCLP is sustainable. Moreover, when children aren't working, they're considered an added expense for their families, one that many don't see as affordable. Lacuna in definition An essential amendment in The Child Labour (Prohibition & Regulation) Law, was the legislative approval of children being allowed to work in family-based enterprises, albeit after school hours. It is no surprise that beedis made in industrial setup account for just 10% of the total production. Brokers and middlemen outsource raw materials such as tendu leaves and tobacco to local families and obtain rolled beedis on a piece-rate system at the end of the day. When more hands translate to more income, education often takes a backseat. Labour within the household affect girls further as culturally, training them in activities such as rolling beedis is believed to make their marriage prospects better since they are ‘skilled’ enough to support their future husbands and provide additional income. Overall, 80% of child labour in the state constitutes rural girls, according to Census 2011. The Constitution of India prohibits the employment of ‘children’ who are below 14-years of age in factories, mines or hazardous employments. The National Policy for Children, 2013, says that any person below 18 years of age is considered as a ‘child’, a definition that is critical to remember in the context of child labour in India. Most schemes and welfare benefits are focused on children between the ages of 5 to 14 years. What happens to children who are still under 18 years and above 14 years of age? A tough choice between education, which has long term benefits and immediate employment, which has short-term tangible benefits. Consider the widely popular Sumangali scheme in Tamil Nadu, where the textile industry ‘employs’ young girls for three years on the promise of a lump sum payment at the end. Launched to provide assistance towards the marriage of girls, its unintended consequence has been the perpetuation of child labour. When capitalism meets the patriarchal burden of marrying young girls, it’s love child, ironically, was a system of accepted bonded labour for 14 to 18-year-old girls, who are often left out of most of the 5-14 years age group focused child welfare schemes.   Government bodies responsible for safeguarding the rights of children and implementing the numerous schemes and benefits have been notoriously under-staffed and in some cases, such as the Tamil Nadu State Commission for the Protection of Child Rights, without constant leadership at its helm. India Committee of the Netherlands, a human rights organisation, and National Commission for Protection of Child Rights even had a dispute, with both sides claiming a different narrative on the presence and absence of child labour in Tamil Nadu’s granite industry. On a local level, a similar tale can be found in Dindigul district in the south of Tamil Nadu. The Human Development Report for 2017 released by the Tamil Nadu State Planning Commission officially records that the district labour office reports a ‘zero status’ on child labour. The very next statement also officially records that there are reports of child labour in three blocks within Dindigul district itself. The highlight in the recent history of Tamil Nadu’s fight against child labour came in July 2016, during a discussion towards The Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2012. AIADMK Rajya Sabha MP A Navaneethakrishnan  serenely declared that there is no child labour in Tamil Nadu, thanks to the intervention carried out by then Chief Minister Jayalalithaa. His statement, as the House applauded his words, not only shows how the top brass is wilfully ignorant of the ground reality but also indicates a massive disservice to the people involved in eradicating the problem of child labour in Tamil Nadu — from the District Collectors who oversee education centres, to the NGOs who carry out rescue interventions, and the amazing women who prepare mid-day meals every single day. An international reminder has gotten us talking again, but the real question is, why do we still need to do so? Policies do not automatically translate into results on the ground. As the saying goes, where there is a will, there is a way. Sadly, it doesn’t say much about political will and the ownership that goes with it. Sonam Mittal is a feminist activist working on gender-based issues, environment and human rights. She's a co-founder at The Spoilt Modern Indian Woman and MsChief at Azaadi, a non-profit working on prevention of sexual harassment in the workplace. Views are author’s own.
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Will Nirmala Sitharaman’s first budget empower women? A Cong leader's wish list

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Women empowerment
As the finance minister puts the final touches to her first budget, will the all-encompassing financial statement have the requisite protection and empowerment for women?
Twitter/FinMinIndia
It’s interesting how when things are dire, male leaders send a woman to the frontlines to handle it. Have you seen how the Conservative Party threw Theresa May under the bus for what was a lost cause because of the policies that these men in suits embedded in ink? Sounds similar to what the BJP did with Nirmala Sitharaman, when you think about it: they messed up the economy, and decided to prop up a woman candidate as the face of their finance ministry. I’m not one to believe that your capacity to do anything is a function of your sex or gender identity – but I’m also a good observer and this is what I noticed. After the DeMo flop and GST mess, not to mention soaring inflation and unemployment, the BJP needed to revive the much-battered image of the finance ministry. And a vociferous minister who also works well for optics is perhaps what the netas felt was needed. This is no way reduces Nirmala Sitharaman’s finesse or prowess, but I can’t help but highlight how the defence ministry itself wasn’t mandated well, fraught with budget cuts, and that one of India’s most-discussed and polarising Pulwama attack took place under her watchful eyes when she was the defence minister. Did she ignore intelligence? Did she act quick enough? Or did she help the PM in forming a narrative that went on to win him brownie points in the just concluded Lok Sabha elections? The jury is still out on that. Regardless, Nirmala Sitharaman’s appointment as the Finance Minister goes to show the PM and the party’s faith in her despite a questionable stint as India’s defence minister. India’s budget for 2019 is on its way: and one only hopes that every effort that the BJP has put in to feed massive money churning businesses up until now is also invested in women, with as much priority if not more. The hopes don’t just remain confined to gender-sensitive budgeting, but also extend to examining the way our corporate sector operates. A cursory glance at the data from the Ministry of Corporate Affairs shows that as many as 21% of the country’s publicly listed companies have not adhered to the provision of appointing a female director on their respective boards. At its base, there is a fundamental cause for concern in that attrition, the glass ceiling, unequal pay, lack of safe workspaces and lack of gender inclusive hiring policies form the critical mass of issues that causes such frugal representation of women. It is a serious concern that the 2018 budget chose to allocate far less funding support for the Support to Training and Employment Programme for Women, more popularly known as STEP. And it wasn’t even a small cut. Try a whopping Rs 40 crore in the 2017 budget to a measly Rs 5 crore in the 2018 budget. It is as plain as day that Nirmala Sitharaman’s priority must centre toward allocating more funds to improve the number of women who enter the workforce. To do this, it is vital to acknowledge all the prevailing pain points at workplaces that keep women away from engaging with it, as it is both a matter of their right and discretion. Budgetary allocations shouldn’t be restricted merely to hiring decisions, but should also strive to make workplaces more accessible, women friendly, accountable, and safe. Implementing safety measures is a major prerequisite that cannot be compromised on. Budgets should also encourage ways to enable safe spaces for women who have children, are nursing, or menstruating, as well as for people who are in the midst of a gender transition – true inclusion can only come from acknowledging that gender-sensitised budgeting is not about oversimplifying the meaning of gender to imply cis women alone. Another major area for concern is the difficulties women face in returning to work after sabbaticals. Reskilling is vital for the workforce, regardless of the level in the workplace that a woman seeks to return to. Only by funding programmes that encourage and engage in reskilling, upskilling and reintegration of women into the workforce can there be an appropriate premium attached to the stability of their careers in the future. In the unorganised sector and small businesses, supporting access to funds for women who seek to engage in entrepreneurship, as well as funds to facilitate the right kind of mentorship are in order. Much of what exists speaks to women who must necessarily have access to the Internet and knowledge of either English or Hindi in order to know that there are programmes she can access. The 2019 budget must acknowledge the wide cross-section of women that engage with the workforce, and that deserve to be included into the workforce without being deprived of their right to a safe, accessible, equitable-pay-based workplace. When the Economic Survey of 2018 was tabled, it was done with a pink cover, a way to indicate the lawmakers’ sensitivity to gender in assessing and authoring economic policies. However, the gender colour stereotype was too stark to ignore, much like the appointment of Nirmala Sitharaman, who I feel is inducted to further an agenda rather than chart her own. Left to herself she’d perhaps make better decisions than ones that are guided by the nation’s most powerful duo and their corporate lobbies. Apsara Reddy is the National General Secretary, All India Mahila Congress. Views expressed are the author’s own.
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Why a critical rethinking of kings, temples and lands matters for law and human agency

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Opinion
Crucial questions about pre-colonial India, such as who invented caste, and why and how they went about legitimising caste in India, are still overlooked in scholarly and popular discourses.
Raja Raja statue in Thanjavur. Courtesy: Nittavinoda [CC BY-SA 4.0]
India is not a post-caste society yet. This means casteism is alive and impacts everyday life of Indians today. Therefore, a no-holds-barred critical examination of it is desperately needed if one cares for casteless humanism. Some historians and anthropologists have shown that colonists begin to subcontinentalise the caste-structure through Brahminism from roughly around the middle of the 18th century, when the category “Hinduism” was not even there. But such a view does not tell the whole story about pre-colonial casteism/Brahminism. Ironically, but not surprisingly, this partial interpretation is popular among some distinguished postcolonial scholars and privileged caste groups. However, crucial questions about pre-colonial India, such as who invented caste, and why and how they went about legitimising caste in India, are still overlooked in scholarly and popular discourses. Such a critique of caste is a vital assertion of human agency. Legal judgments have to nourish such public tendencies. And not silence them. Thankfully, there are other historians (and some Sanskritists) who emphasise that Brahmin-male power proclaimed “caste segregation” in pre-colonial India – and that such a view is dissuaded by post-colonial academic and legal interpretations. While intellectual elucidations are important, these need not undercut spontaneous emergence of critical caste publics against casteism. For, those who are subordinated will speak against caste-power for self-emancipation and collective transformation. The mythologies and realities of individuals, institutions, and structures which have given life to caste/casteism will always be scrutinised by those who see their culture, religion, and history as casteless. They ethically and rationally point out how caste notions and practices of mythologised religious figures, provincial kings, spatial segregations, and material deprivation are dehumanising. Like race and gender, caste inequalities are first culturally normativised and then politically naturalised through self-proclamation of the privileged. Critiquing caste power is, therefore, an inevitable element of human agency. In fact, it is scholarly as well as public responsibility to confront casteism, however it is spiritually and politically manufactured. For instance, how do we interpret the medieval Chola kingdom in the Tamil speaking regions of c. 850-1300. Chola king, Raja Raja Cholan (reign 985-1014) pursued a subcontinental and intercontinental Chola empire which was further perpetuated by his son Rajendra Cholan and grandson Kulothunga Cholan. Scholars concur that Brahminism took unprecedented roots in the Tamil speaking regions through Raja Raja Cholan’s promotion of temple culture through architectural grandeur and extensive establishment of Brahmin-only residential and wealth localities called Brahmadeyam. Among others, four aspects intersect here: 1) Raja Raja needed Brahmins to legitimize his kingly power; 2) Brahmins concurred to do it to monopolize religious power in grand temples as well as ownership of vast swath of lands in which they did not labour but garnered their free food; 3) This caste-based patriarchal state and religious power depended on normativising and naturalising gender inequality, as was evidenced in the institutionalisation of Devadasi system (in Tamil Tevaradiyar) in Chola temples; 4) Such caste-based temple-empire meant accumulation of agrarian lands and extraction of free labour from those who were branded as untouchable and lower caste groups. These intersectionalities need careful understanding, not just in scholarly investigation but beyond temple inscriptions. Those who were pejoratively classified i.e., caste-based oppressed women and men, would interrogate such politically motivated spiritual assumptions of casteism/Brahminism. For they not only dehumanise fellow humans but also continue to exercise power by distorting historical accounts of Indian communities who would have resisted caste. In such hegemonic histories, caste-based, racialised, and gendered divisions are “god given facts”; not unlike un-uprootable mountains of nature. If such suppositions are legally supported then, for instance, the women who are dedicated and married to the gods would continue to be sexually exploited by self-privileging males of the temple-empire. Since women (as well as transgender and intersex people) are equal humans, they reject mythological claims and fight for their liberation from such bodily and material exploitation. The legal judgments and institutions have finally begun to comprehend such public assertions of women in postcolonial India. Similarly, the Dasas and Dasis of ancient vernacular regions of India in general, and their descendants, could be the bearers of such countercultural assertions against casteism/Brahminism. If the rulers of medieval Chola imperialism could thrive through Brahminical propaganda, and privileged caste groups have continued to normativise and naturalise caste thereafter, then it is important that scholarly investigations and legal judgments pay attention to struggles against casteism. Perhaps those Paanarkal (bards) and Parayarkal (those who spoke against caste) in medieval South, and their descendants in postcolonial Tamil regions, are bearers of anti-caste values. They are in need of appreciation for upholding casteless humanism. Their continuing resilience to establish a post-caste society in India needs legal and social recognition, and local and global appreciation. Gajendran Ayyathurai teaches and researches at CeMIS, Göttingen University, Germany. Views expressed are the author’s own.
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Karnataka crisis: BJP lures and lets warring Cong-JD(S) leaders do their job for them

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Politics
There were 2 legendary rivalries in Karnataka politics that were attempted to be buried when this coalition govt was formed. One of them at least has a hand in its fall.
It’s not just the BJP. Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy himself thinks his predecessor from the Congress party, Siddaramaiah, has engineered the current crisis that could lead to the collapse of the JD(S)-Congress government in the state. The situation is not propitious for the coalition partners. With 10 Congress-JDS legislators tucked away in a Mumbai hotel, reportedly with a whopping Rs 50 crore each, a ‘comfortable retirement’ promise for some and a ministry for others, the BJP is preparing to move a no-confidence motion against the Kumaraswamy government on the first day of the next state Assembly session, July 12.    Thirteen MLAs have formally submitted resignations to Speaker KR Ramesh Kumar’s office, including three who are still in Bengaluru, but reportedly firm on the reasons for their resignations. These three have clear issues with the coalition government’s functioning, and their own unmet aspirations, but it is unclear if they are in line with the BJP’s moves. “The hawa is in their (BJP’s) favour,” a Congress office-bearer admitted, “We may not be able to save the government this time.” The admission came even as party communications chief Randeep Singh Surjewala made combative allegations against the national ruling party, punning on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s name as ‘Mischievously Orchestrated Defections in India.” Kumaraswamy; his father and JD(S) national president HD Deve Gowda; Congress Karnataka in charge KC Venugopal; former CM Siddaramaiah; and Congress troubleshooter DK Shivakumar have all swung into meetings and strategy sessions to stem the tide. But, as the office-bearer contended, unlike earlier attempts by the BJP to bring down this government by poaching MLAs, this time the calls and offers came from the powers-that-be in Delhi. “No local BJP leader is operating. The calls are coming from people we cannot reach or touch in anyway,” the office-bearer said. The BJP is taking advantage of the demoralisation that has settled into the Congress and the JD(S) in Karnataka after their crushing defeat in the recent Lok Sabha polls, when the coalition managed to win just two of Karnataka’s 28 seats, though, on paper, their combined strength should have won at least 16. The Congress, facing this situation across India, has come to the conclusion that it was Modi and Hindutva that won the election. Kumaraswamy, however, is unwilling to lay the fault at anyone’s door except that of the faction of the Congress party led by Siddaramaiah. He indicated this in several of his press interactions and minced no words when speaking to many people informally. “He (Siddaramaiah) set out to finish me. This (BJP winning 25 seats in Karnataka and an independent winning Mandya) is the result,” he said, just a couple of days before the 11 legislators submitted their resignations. Union Parliamentary Affairs Minister Prahlad Joshi, denying any BJP involvement in the situation, stated that it was the Kumaraswamy-Siddaramaiah tussle that was bringing the government down. Siddaramaiah has not commented on it, but Kumaraswamy clearly buys into this argument. Of the 11 legislators involved in the current spate of resignations, at least five are those who can be called card-carrying members of the Siddaramaiah camp. Sources close to Siddaramaiah contend that he is ‘spitting mad’ that some of them have got onto the flight to Mumbai and resigned, allegedly without consulting him. But that is a contention that even other camps in the Congress find very hard to believe, let alone the JD(S). There were two legendary rivalries in Karnataka politics that were attempted to be buried when this coalition government was formed. One was Siddaramaiah’s bitterness that his former mentor Gowda favoured his son Kumaraswamy and not him. It led to Siddaramaiah being expelled from the JD(S) for ‘anti-party activities’, pushing him into the Congress party. So, when the coalition was formed at the behest of the then-Congress president Rahul Gandhi 14 months ago, Siddaramaiah had to bury this resentment which has characterised him for the last 13 years. The long-standing mutual animosity between him and Kumaraswamy ensured there could be no trust at any level in this government. The other rivalry was between the Gowda family and DK Shivakumar. Shivakumar is publicly seen doing his best to save this government and as having actually put aside the 40-year-old rivalry, to all intents and purposes. Shivakumar has caste in common with the Gowdas, who seem to believe in him more readily than in Siddaramaiah, though this relationship is also not extremely stable. To compound matters, Kumaraswamy and his deputy CM from the Congress party, G Parameshwara, have not been able to manage to gain the trust of their own band of legislators. All the BJP has had to do in this simmering situation is wait and watch for the right moment to dive in. The moment has come now and  BJP has held out the whiff of a strong lure. And the coalition, it appears, is ready to collapse on the heads of its warring leaders. Sowmya Aji is a political journalist who has covered Karnataka for 26 years. Views expressed are the author’s own.
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